Volume Four
The Portuquese in the Sea of Oman Annals of History 1497 CE – 1757 CE Volume Four by: Al Qasimi Publications Author: Dr. Sultan Bin Muhammad Al-Qasimi (United Arab Emirates) Publisher: Al Qasimi Publications, Sharjah, United Arab Emirates Edition: First Year of publication: 2025 ©All rights reserved * ISBN: 978-9948-716-96-9 * Printing Permission: UAE Media Council No. MC 03-01-6442064, Date: 24-03-2025 Printing: AL Bony Press- Sharjah, UAE Age Classification: E The age group that matches the content of the books was classified according to the age classification issued by UAE Media Council * Al Qasimi Publications, Al Tarfa, Sheikh Muhammad Bin Zayed Road PO Box 64009 Sharjah, United Arab Emirates. Tel: 0097165090000, Fax: 0097165520070 Email: info@aqp.ae
_ 5 _ Contents Introduction to Volume Four 7 • Episodes of the year 1510 9 • Episodes of the year 1511 49 • Episodes of the year 1512 61 • Episodes of the year 1513 99 • Episodes of the year 1514 198 • Episodes of the year 1515 219 Researchers’ Guide 397 Volume Four Reference 405
_ 7 _ Introduction to Volume Four This volume covers the events of six years, from 1510 to 1515, including the incidents in the Red Sea, the occupation of Aden, and the various defeat incidents. When Afonso de Albuquerque returned to Ormuz to settle matters, he ordered the execution of Rais Hamid, the Minister of Ormuz. Finally, Afonso de Albuquerque passed away while sailing from Ormuz to Goa in India. Dr. Sultan Bin Muhammad Al-Qasimi
_ 9 _ (1) Document no. and reference. Episodes of the year 1510 The events of that year began with opinions and advice of Francisco de Sousa and Jeronimo Teixeira at sea, outside Monte Deli, on 13th of February 1510, about controlling the Red Sea and destroying the Turkish ships that the Turks were building there:(1) On Ash Wednesday, 13th February 1510, the Captain General came to Monte Deli in his nau “Flor de la Mar” with twenty-two sailing vessels end summoned all the captains, masters and pilots of the aforementioned ships to the said nau He held a nesting there, informing them that the King, our Lord, had ordered him by letter to sail to Ormuz and take charge of it. The King had also said that Jorge de Aguiar had nothing more to do with it. He, the said Captain General, held the
_ 10 _ captaincy of all that territory as far as Cambay. Now that he was with this squadron and fleet, he wished to take advice from the captains named below, informing them that he had it on good authority from Khwaja Bequin that the ships that sailed from Mecca this year brought news that the Rumes had just begun to build fifteen or twenty naus there. Let them note that we had one thousand eight hundred men and twenty-three ships. With the help of Our Lord and with such a large fleet and fighting force in his opinion Aden could be taken very easily. He also thought it a good idea to go and capture Aden and then continue on to Suez, where the aforementioned naus of the Ruses were being built, because His Highness strongly recommended it and he ordered Dom Francisco de Almeida, and later the late Jorge de Aguier to do so. With twenty-two vessels and six more that Duarte de Lemos had, now was a good moment to enter the Red Sea and it would be a great service to His Highness because nothing could resist such a large fleet. Thus, Khwaja Bequin, who was the person who knew about the Great Sultan’s fleet, was questioned through Abraldez, in the presence of the said captains.
_ 11 _ Khwaja Bequin answered that that very year three naus had arrived from Mecca and entered Calicut, where they were at present. They brought three letters: one for the King of Calicut, one for Sadin and another for Khwaja Semesadin. The text of the letters was as follows: “Since my misfortune was that my ships were destroyed, I have, in truth, built fifty ships that I am going to send to fight the Franks [Europeans], so be advised not to make peace with the captains of the King of Portugal”. And the said Moors brought news that sixteen ships had already been built but they did not know when they were going to arrive. Item: The said Captain General further stated that Goa was only as strong as the Sabato, and he knew for certain through Khwaja Bequin and the Moore that the Sabaio was dead; that his son was hopeless as a captain and was afraid we would attack Goa. There were two reasons why we should not attack the city: one was that once we captured Goa, we would have to defend her. This was impossible because we were barely passing through. Secondly, the son now was afraid we would attack him. When we had replenished the naus with money and provisions and whatever was necessary and we were well fed we would take Goa when Duarte arrived.
_ 12 _ Item: He said other things. Item: Dom Jeronimo said that he thought it would be wise to leave two ships to guard this coast. We should attack Goa, harass the inhabitants, wreak destruction and hinder the shipping. It was also advisable to seek out the Rumes and defeat them. Item: Joao Nunes added more, stating that they should leave some protection on this coast so as to supply the fortresses of Cochin and Cannanore. Item: Francisco Corvinel added more, that we should go to Aden to capture it if they wanted to fight. We should not take a lot of merchandise to make money to be wasted in Aden. Item: Sinao de Andrade proposed that if we had to leave ships on that coast, they should be a substantial fleet. If it was a question of leaving two or three ships, we should not bother but take the whole fleet. In his opinion, the Captain General should not be allowed to attack Goa because we would not be able to build or repair our ships. Item: Manuel de Lacerda said that it was a long voyage so we should leave the fortresses well supplied with troops and captains. We should also capture Goa because, since
_ 13 _ we were sailing so far away, the Moors would commit treacherous acts and cause damage. Item: Diogo Fernandez said it was a good idea to get information about the Rumes and go in search of them. Item: Jorge Fogaca agreed that it was a good idea to go in search of the Tumes. As for leaving ships behind, it was better not to leave them but take all of them. Item: Simao Martins stated that he thought it wise to seek out the Rumes and leave the fortresses well supplied. Item: Garcia de Sousa stated that everything the Captain General said was very sound and that Goa was just a port for fustas and of no importance. We should go and harass the strongest which could cause us the greatest damage. To go on a round trip to Goa at present would take twenty days, which was a big drawback and, besides, Goa could not do any damage at the moment because the Rumes were invading her. Item: Francisco de Sousa stated that in his opinion Cochin and Cannanore were not doing their duty. As for the voyage that they now wanted to undertake, they should go to Ormuz first and afterwards go in search of the Rumes. Item: Bernardin Freire stated that he thought the
_ 14 _ Captain General’s expedition to go and take Aden with the help of Our Lord was a good thing. Item: Antonio de Noronha stated that although we could take Goa in a week our presence there would be a great impediment. To go to the Red Sea in search of the Runes was very much in the King’s interests. Item: Francisco de Sa added more points like those of Dom Antonio. Item: Jorge da Silveira added some more points like those above and that they ought to cross over to the Red Sea as soon as possible. Item: Antonio de Costa added some more points like those above, saying that if it was necessary for ships to remain on this coast, it would be better to leave ten or none at all. Item: Fernao Perez stated that it was a good idea to go in search of the Runes. As for Goa, it would be better to harass the Rumes in the Red Sea then remain in Goa, because there was not enough power there to hurt us. Not even two or three ships should be left on this coast but all of them should be taken because the fortresses were well supplied, so they should go first to Aden and then enter the Red Sea.
_ 15 _ Item: Geronimo Teixeira stated that the Captain General should leave ample supplies in his fortresses, especially Cochin. He did not think that they should leave Cochin trusting in the friendship of the Moors and the King of Cochin. As for Goa, it should be captured, defeated and destroyed provided that they did not leave any people there who were able to build a fortress. The main point was that they should go to Ormuz to build a fortress and factory there, and from there go after the Rumes.
_ 16 _ (2) Document no. and reference. In the same year (1510) A list of what has been confiscated from the merchant ships in the Sea of Oman, was issued during the period from the 18th of February to the 23rd of March, 1510:(2) On the 18th February 1510, in front of Onor, Garcia de Souza, captain of the ship "Santa Clara", seized a ship from Ormuz laden with pepper, ginger, some iron and various other goods and ordered them to be transferred to the ships of his armada. They were as follows: Item: 145 fardos of pepper. Item: 84 fardos of ginger. Item: 2 fardos of noronba. Item: 28 fardos of iron (344 bars). Item:1 fardo of nutmegs.
_ 17 _ Item: 1 fardo of beads. Item: 1 fardo of nanche. Item: 6 fardos of saffron. Item: 2 fardos of hazelnuts. Item: 2 fardos of coconut oil. Item: 7 fardos of rice (in 10 large sacks). Apart from this merchandise, which was taken and delivered, 22 sacks of rice remained, a further 8 fardos of iron and 12 fardos of cowries. This merchandise was delivered to Timoja and remained in Onor. The other items listed were off-loaded in Goa by order of the chief captain and with the other merchandise delivered to Francisco Corvinel, who was the factor at the time. Another seizure On the 19th February 1510 on the river Ancajen, Captain Simão d' Andrade of the galley "São Cristóvão" seized a parao whose licence had lapsed and took the following: Item: 90 fardos of rice. Item: The captain was allowed to go free. Item: Five and a half arrobas of incense. Item: 4 quintals, 2 arrobas and 3 arratels of aloes from Socotra.
_ 18 _ Item: 55 Moorish slaves (male and female). Item: 76 fardos of raisins. Item: From other things that were sold from this ship 298 cruzados and 17 fanões were realized. Item: 78 marcos and 5 ounces of silver. Item: 409 2/3 meticals of low-grade gold [a gold coin]. Item: 5½ bales of cloth damaged by gunfire. Item: another 13 pieces of cloth of the same kind, but narrower. Item: 114 quintals 3½ arrobas (nett weight) of laudanum. Item: 2 arrobas 9 arratals of coral, worked and tasted, with the wire used in packing. Item:2 arrobas 20 marcos of round worked coral. Item: 1 faraçola 27 fees of laudanum. Item: 570 tanganims of wheat. Item: 1558 tanganims of flour. Item: 2 arrobas 12 arratels of coral for carving purposes (nett weight). On the 12th September 1510 Captain Simão Martins of the "Boa Ventura”, Captain Diogo Fernandes of the "Rei Grande" and Captain Francisco Marques of the "Bretão" seized a ship from Achen and recovered the following merchandise:
_ 19 _ Item: 17 bales of velvet (of dull colours). Item: 1 bale of brocade (light). Item: 4 bales of printed velvet from Mecca. Item: 2 bales of light brocade. Item: 3 and a bit bales of cloth dyed with grain, each one of 148 covados. Item: 2 pieces of cloth dyed with grain, amounting to 14½ covados, damaged by gunfire. Item: 74½ bales of woolen cloth, badly coloured. Item: 3735 measures of Girasol rice. Item: 3135 measures of Chambacal rice. Item: money was realized for some things that were sold from these two ships, from the hulls and masts, the tanks, together with various articles carried by the men themselves. This amounted to 293 cruzados 13 fanões. Account of the ship which remained in Cannanore with the factor there Gançalo Mendez. Item:10 bahares, 13 faraçolas, 27 fees of pepper, nett weight. Item: 18 bahares, 19 faraçolas, 17 fees of ginger, nett weight. Item: 5 faraçolas of indigo.
_ 20 _ Item: 9 faraçolas of red dye of poor quality. Item: 68 bahares, 8 faraçolas, 37 fees of iron. Item: 3 bahares, 13½ faracolas of saltpetre. Item: 3½ bahares of coir. Item: 30 fardos of sugar. Item: 3 fardos of pure linen, containing 360 pieces. Item: 4 fardos of sugar. Item: 5 sacks of rice. Item: The hull of the zambuco captured by Simão d' Andrade was sold for 40 pardões. Item: The other three ships were brought by Jorge de Silveira, and also Jeronimo Teixeiri, who was sent by the Chief Captain of Goa. They left one ship in Cannanore with the factor Gonçalo Mendes, Ioaded as it had come with sugar and other goods. Item: The said factor Gonçalo Mendes also received from the scrivener of the ship "Rumesa" 112 fardos of sugar, which this ship was carrying from the seizure. Item: The two other ships the above-mentioned captains took to Cochin, and they found in them the items listed. On the twenty third of March 1510 Jorge da Silveira, captain of the "Rumesa", who came as chief captain was
_ 21 _ ordered by the chief captain in Goa to seize three ships from Ormuz. Also ordered to take part were the captain of the "São João" and Simgo d' Andrade, captain of the galley "São Christovão". These three ships from Ormuz were at anchor with safe conducts in the port of Baticalé, and they were taken for carrying pepper and ginger. Simão d'Andrade also seized a zambuco from Ormuz in front of the said port without a safe conduct. Of the four ships the seizures were as follows: Item: 200 fardos which were transferred to the "São João", which returned to Goa. Item: 77 fardos and 3 large sacks of rice were also transferred to the above ship. Item: 2 fardos of ginger. Item: 4 fardos of edible roots. Item: 2 bales of coir. The galley "São Christovão" also carried to Goa: Item: 2366½ xerafins. Item: A quantity of clothes which the officers has shared of value 81cruzados and three fardos in addition. Item: The hull of one ship, its mast, sails and rigging. The chief captain ordered it to be given to the Moorish pilot from Ormuz whom they carried with them.
_ 22 _ (3) Document no. and reference. In the same year (1510) On the 20th of March 1510, Afonso de Albuquerque sent a letter from Goa to the King of Ormuz, confirming the friendship and affection of Afonso de Albuquerque towards the King of Ormuz, and that he was committed to providing permanent assistance towards him:(3) The advice of the arrival at Goa of the messenger from the King of Ormuz. Request that Rui Gomes, who was going as messenger to Sheikh Ismael, should be well received. Albuquerque’s protests of friendship for the King of Ormuz. The departure of Khwaja Amir with two naos for Ormuz, laden with Portuguese merchandise. The promise of permanent assistance to the King of Ormuz on the part of Afonso de Albuquerque These quotations are taken from the first, 1557, edition
_ 23 _ of the Comentarios de Afonso Dalboquerque. It is not possible to relate them to the English translation put out by the Hakluyt Society and which HH holds in his library. The English translation was done from the third Portuguese edition.
_ 24 _ (4) Document no. and reference. In the same year (1510) In March 1510, Afonso de Albuquerque sent Ruy Gomes and Frey Joao to Shah Ismail Safavid, King of Persia. The instructions he issued were in the following document:(4) These are the instructions which you, Ruy Gomes and Frei Joao, are to observe during your journey to and from Narsinga(A) and while you are there, where I now send you in the service of God and of our Lord, the King. Item: Your outward journey will be by whatever means and manner which enable you to go directly to wherever Sheikh Ismael may be, and you will pay him all the reverence and deference that is due to a great king. Item: You will ensure that there is no discord or (A) Translator’s Note Narsinga is clearly an error for Persia.
_ 25 _ disagreement between you, for you know well what harm and harmful impression may result from that, and what disservice to the King, our Lord. If such a thing should arise you will receive great punishment and penalty from us, and little reward. Item: When you reach Ormuz, you will ask Khwaja Attar to send you two mounts for your personal use. Item: You will further require of him everything else contained in the letters you bear from me, for your expenses and the swift conduct of your journey. Item: On this journey you will always follow the orders and advice and decision of Sheikh Isamel’s Ambassador, buying nothing without his leave, not even provisions for your needs, and you will not part from him to go and see cities or squares or towns or streets or games, and you will not go by any other route save that which he takes Everything must be as he orders because you know well how the Moors naturally wish to do us all the harm they can. Item: You will tell Sheikh Ismael from me that I advise him to have regard for the greatness of his fame and lordship, chivalry, power and all the goodness and greatness that a ruler should have, and so he should protect Christians and favour and honour them.
_ 26 _ Item: You will tell him that the King, our Lord, would be pleased to come to an understanding and alliance with him and will assist him in his war against the Sultan, for his destruction; and that in his name and on his behalf, I offer him the fleet, soldiers and artillery that I have with me, the fortresses, towns and lordships that the King holds in India, and similarly against the Turk. Item: You will tell him that when he goes against the city of Mecca and wishes to take it, I will enter the Red Sen and attack the port of Jiddah; and you will also tell him that if he wishes to attack the land of Arabia, I will go there in person and with the fleet of the King, our Lord, attack Aden and all the coast and shore of Arabia, and Bahrain and El Katif and the city of Basra. I would come to shore on the coast of the Persian Sea where I could meet him, and I would do all that he might require me to do to help him against his enemies. Item: You will tell him that if he wishes to enter and attack the territory of Gujurat and the lordship of the King of Cambay I will attack the sea-ports in which lie all his might and revenues, and without doubt he will become its lord. Item: You will describe to him the greatness of the King, our Lord, his realms and lordships, his riches and
_ 27 _ their abundance, the size and beauty of the city of Lisbon, its buildings and fine houses, the immense quantities of gold and silver in the kingdom, the wealth and number of its inhabitants, and how the King, our Lord, has two gold mines from which every year large quantities of gold come to his treasury, the abundance of ships there are in the kingdom, their great size and the large fleets that he sends every year to India, and how sometimes he raises large fleets to send to the Levant against the Turk. Item: You will also tell him that the King, our Lord, has many possessions and towns won by force of arms in Africa, and how his dominion is continually spreading through many towns, large and small, all along the coast as far as the Cape of Good Hope and how the fortresses he holds reach into the Indian Ocean: that of Sofala, which is a gold mine with a fortress, and the fortress of Kilwa in Mocambique; and how the Kings of Melinde and Cannanore and Cochin owe him obedience and how he has fortresses and soldiers in those places. Item: You will tell him of the great strength of the fleet and soldiers and artillery that I have in India, and also of the beauty, size and quantity of the artillery that the King has in his kingdom and how in Portugal all the fighting men are mounted on horses; and of the gold and silver harnesses and the saddles and trappings of the horses,
_ 28 _ and also the ornaments and equipment for war, and how soldiers are armed, what kinds of weapons and armour are used and how they are made and used. Item: Furthermore, you must tell him about our lady, the Queen, and whose daughter she is, and how the King, her father, and the Queen, her mother, have kingdoms and lordships of their own, adjoining that of the King, our Lord. You will tell him of her dignified estate and that the ladies who serve her are daughters of the dukes, counts and marquises of Portugal, and are great ladies who wear brocades and many pearls, precious stones and gold, and silk of all kinds, and then marry grandees of the kingdom. Item: You will also tell him of the King’s estate, his clothes, jewels and furnishings, and how he eats at a table raised four steps above the table where the great lords of his court eat, who stand at table and take their hats from their heads until the King has finished eating and returned to his apartments. Item: You will also tell him of the great size of the King’s stables and the beauty of the horses and jennets he owns, the gold and silver trappings with enamels and jewels and straps worked with gold and pearls.
_ 29 _ Item: You will also tell him of the cities, towns and fortresses he has, and the merchandize and wealth of his kingdom. Item: You will tell him that he should send ambassadors to the King, our Lord, to seek his friendship and alliance both in war against his enemies. and by allowing our merchandize from the kingdoms of Portugal to enter his territory through Ormuz. Item: You will tell him that if he sends his ambassadors to ask for his friendship, good will and assistance, the King will help him against the Sultan and against the Turk by land and sea; and you will show how it is possible for the King to reach Alexandria and Jerusalem and all the Sultan’s territory by sailing across the Eastern Mediterranean, and how he can enter the Black Sea and the Strait of Constantinople and all the cities and towns and territory of the Turk. Item: You will also tell him that I should be pleased to send him the things he would like best to receive from India, because the King would wish me to do so. Item: You will tell him on my behalf that when I reach Ormuz, which I hope will be soon, I should be pleased to meet him, because his ambassador told me that he would be very pleased to meet and to talk with me.
_ 30 _ Item: You will sound him out about our faith and see what his feelings are about it and whether he takes what you say well; and do not say so much that he takes offence. Item: You will also discover from Christians in those parts whether they observe the ceremonies of our faith and truly believe that Our Lord was born of Our Lady, died and suffered on the Cross to save us, and rose on the third day. Item: You will also see if you can bring with you some of these Christians who have different ideas of the faith, or make arrangements for than to go to Rome, although it would be better to go by way of Portugal. Item: You will see their churches and ornaments, altars, images of saints, and whether they have Our Lord on the cross, and an image of Our Lady, and also the clergy and friars, how they live and what they wear, and also if there are any bodies of saints, martyrs or apostles in those parts. Item: You will also find out about merchandize of the country, their prices and value; if there are precious stones, mines of silver and their price and value, and to what countries the merchandize goes and how it is carried, and what kingdoms have boundaries with the land of Sheikh Ismael.
_ 31 _ Item: If by chance Sheikh Ismael has captured Constantinople and it is subservient to him, if he wishes to send an ambassador to the King, our Lord, and you find that you are near Constantinople, I order you to take that route, continuing to send me information as to what you have done and the messages you are taking to the King. Item: Do all you can to ensure that Sheikh Ismael sends to the King some fine jewels or new things from his country that have never before been seen in Portugal. Item: I remind you again that although you should touch lightly in recounting matters pertaining to the state of the King and Queen, nevertheless you should describe the magnificence of their feasts, riches and furnishings of their persons and their household, the wealth and beauty of the houses in which they live, their expenditure on festivities, and the treasures of gold and precious stones to make jewels of amazing workmanship, the size of their court, the cavalry which is continually present there, the ambassadors from neighbouring kings who continually visit their court, and all the other details that you can think of to tell him. Also, how the Portuguese are loyal subjects and true friends of their lord, so that Sheikh Ismael will desire and seek his alliance, friendship and assistance and will thus be obliged and willing to do the same when the Kings requires him to do so.
_ 32 _ Item: I order you to read these instructions frequently and that you both observe them well, and also the interpreter you are taking, so that no doubt arises in the matters you relate and you do not contradict one another, for you see what an extremely harmful thing that would be; and let him always find-you as I have described you in the letter I am sending him. (Signed) Afonso d’Albuquerque
_ 33 _ (5) Document no. and reference. In the same year (1510) Dom Gonçalo Fernandes sent a letter to Dom Manuel I. The letter was written in December 1510, and he was very frank as he wrote: I have never liked this fierce war that is being waged here against these noble peoples, and as I mentioned to you in a letter from last year, they fear us and hate us to an extent that is beyond envy, and they wish to get rid of us:(5) Sir, Last year (1509) Your Highness ordered the establishment here of this section for the ransoming of the captives and did not send any official letters. Matters have progressed, as well as possible without them, in the expectation that they would arrive this year. They have not and until they are received Your Highness’s wishes cannot be carried out in full. In addition to those who have
_ 34 _ documents sent from Portugal and have someone to pay the ransom, there are others who enter with documents provided by myself. In the absence of documents and with no one here to pray during Mass for this very holy indulgence, one cannot make good use of their souls nor of this place. Your Highness is well aware that the preachers benefit from the crusades and indulgences notwithstanding that they are more eloquent than erudite. This criticism also applies to the captains, nobility and people to tell the truth, some of the clergy and friars who come here are men of very bad character who err in the execution of their duties through ignorance, steal in the confessional and lead such corrupt and dissolute lives that I would prefer not to mention it further out of respect for you. May God forgive whoever deceives you, especially in this State, where there is so much wrongdoing, and bad example given to the converts awaiting Baptism, and to the infidel. [Paragraph omitted nothing relevant] Sir, I have always worked for my living and received the gift of some intelligence from Our Lord which allows me to repent for my sins because he who knowingly mends his ways increases in suffering. I am now 40 years of age which, as an Ancient used to say, obliges me not only to
_ 35 _ recognise but also to guess “qui a seris venit usus ab annis” always. I have spent 8 years in India and should have a reasonable understanding of this country, especially as it has been my practice to apply necessary and old-fashioned principles whose worth has been tested and proved by experience. That is why I can predict the outcome of certain important events, as in the case of Ormuz, Calicut, Malacca and Goa wrote to Your Highness about Calicut saying that the more we conquer by force, the greater shall be our defeat. As to the stability of Calicut, it has always looked secure to me and recently two very rich naus escaped capture. One was from Mecca and the other from Cambaya and you may thank your captain in chief that they were saved. The one exception was a zambuco which was sent alone to Cochim and because of some obstacles in Calicut, was captured by paraus with two or three of our sailors. its capture our neighbours have behaved worse than before. Since I also wrote to you about Malacca, and I thank Domingoa Lopes for finding a way for me to have been so readily believed. As regards Ormuz and Goa, I have said and I have many witnesses here that they would be lost. It is my impression that Your Highness sends over captains and governors who have little love for India and I shall
_ 36 _ continue to give you my opinion about this if you persist in making such appointments. I never liked the tough war that is being waged here against the gentle people who, as I told you in a letter last year, fear and hate us to such an extent now that there is no malice they would not resort to in order to get rid of us. As I once told the Viceroy and Tristao da Cunha and D. Alvaro, this trade will certainly be lost because of the force used in its pursuit, because not even all Christendom would be able to control it by force. To use force when it is not necessary is disgraceful and just creates hatred and the proof of this is; that of all the peoples and nations that conquered this land, only the Moors remained and held it because they did not come as rulers but as neighbours. I am not referring to the Mamalukes whom I respect least of all, although they have the support of the people here because they oppose us. We have already seen their great fleet of warships getting support from the local people. Our Lord drove them off course by the hand of D. Francisco who had few people and few ships, and I venture to say that this was one of the most remarkable feats carried out by the Holy Catholic Church on behalf of the people and kings of Portugal. If this had not been the result, the Indian trade would have been lost.
_ 37 _ Therefore, Sir, I believe that whenever it is necessary, Our Lord will grant victory to His Catholic faithful who know how to keep them [the Mamelukes] out of here but the gentle natives who, as they say, “have neither bread nor stone” may do us harm. Skill must be used instead of force to find a solution to the problems we have with these people. And I believe the solution lies in bringing peace to all the land and allowing the natives to sail wherever they wish, impounding nothing and levying no taxes. This of course would result in great expense for us that we could not bear, but the costs could be reduced by paying local costs out of locally derived revenue: from the profits made on the confiscated goos, taxes and whatever else can be obtained; and the rest from the cargoes, landed property, and trade taken from the enemies of our holy faith. Sir, it seems to me that as the use of force has failed to solve the problem, perhaps the answer lies in using the opposite means, that is to say, cooperation, kindness and justice. To achieve this purpose, you should have a notice of pardon exhibited all along the coast stating that because of a misunderstanding on the part of your captains and officials, the people have been treated in an improper manner which displeased you as soon as you heard of
_ 38 _ it, and that you realised that some of the wrongs done to your people and administrators were of their own making as they had not behaved as you had ordered, and as behoved them. Finally, that as both sides have suffered so much which was never your intention - you will consider events of the past forgotten and deem it desirable that they live in peace with you. To that end, you will guarantee that, with the exception of specific places, their ships and people may trade when, where and as they wish without hindrance or harm from your officials who, on the contrary, are to provide all the assistance possible. If you wish to withstand this attack by the Mamelukes or Sultan against this land which is yours and represents a constant expense for you, then let them act as they think fit and may each provide you with some taxes. ......I am in favour of low taxes, but some consider these very low in comparison with those levied elsewhere and so I do not think as some would have me believe - that they do not pay taxes. It could be a great deal of money. It is not advisable to build fortresses in their areas even with their permission. The castle of Cochin is sufficient in India for as long as God so wishes for housing the people, storing impounded goods and repairing the naus. It is my opinion
_ 39 _ that if we had other fortresses the losses would outweigh the profits. It would be easier to explain all this to you in person than by letter. Wherever we establish ourselves it is impossible to trade: there are no foreign naus and the local people live in fear and servitude and are badly treated by the warriors who confiscate whatever they need and go wherever they please while the peaceful people receive us in their homes, confiscate nothing and only go where they are allowed. This lasted for several days and as there are still some naus at sea that come from the islands and other places that pay no taxes, half the cargoes or whatever amount is considered best could be taken from them, using only verbal persuasion. Of course, if any cargo is left to them, they will interpret our action as weakness and immediately go to reload, and will not resist as courageously as they would if they thought they were fighting for their lives as well as for their merchandise. If they learn that we are humane they will lose their fear of us and everyone will sail wherever they wish. I believe, Sir, that the Indian expenses and possibly more than those can be met out of the proceeds of the
_ 40 _ cargoes confiscated from the places and people who pay no taxes, with the exception of those places where I would collect the taxes. In this way we could achieve what we have failed to do everywhere, “Fiat pax in virtute tua et fiet habundancia in terribus tuis” [May peace result from your excellence, and may there be abundance in your lands]. And do not consider fighting or seeking revenge in Calicut or Quilon because like will continue there without any benefit accruing to you. As I said earlier, Cochim would not exist if you did not have such diligent captains (who luckily did better there than was done with Quilon and Malacca) who reached an agreement with them in spite of not trusting them. This is preferable to losing, and at times it is appropriate for great states to resort to great deceit. Pages 768-769 in full ..... this is what I thought about war and peace and other generalities. I also gave Your Highness news about some specific points which it is important for you to know, so that you may be aware of the manner in which I have served you here even though I know how little benefit it will bring to someone as unworthy as I, because, as Terence’s Parmeno said: “fabe hoc cudentur in caput meum” (I shall have to suffer for it). There is no reason for hiding the truth from the king.
_ 41 _ It is not through his knowledge that Afonso de Albuquerque succeeds in getting the results he habitually does. He wasted a great amount of your Treasury and placed your splendid armada in situations from which it only escaped by the grace of God and, we are of the opinion, your devotion and by courtesy of the Moors. He unloaded, unnecessarily, more than 100,000 cruzados worth of your goods from the naus, which were being carried for the defence of these fortresses and the armada, end left them in Goa without knowing what fate awaited them. Completely unconcerned, he left them in a strong castle, together with one of your large fleets, and he lost as a rough estimate more than 300,000 cruzados, and this did not include what was captured and is said to have been worth more than a million in gold. Here and in Calicut he killed some 500 men and if the Moors in these places Ormuz, Calicut and Goa had so wished, not a man would escape except himself as he had taken prior precautions. And there are many other things that Your Highness will learn about him from the good noblemen, captains and other persons who go there [back to Portugal], such as how he failed to supply provisions for three months: never paid your troops: bribed 10 or 12 cruzados to have them killed,
_ 42 _ (wounded knights have returned from battle and said to Afonso de Albuquerque “You inflicted this arrow wound on me” or “You killed me”). He also came to Cannanore to ask the king to lend him money or, as I believe, claimed it as a tax thereby turning the King against you. He seems completely unaware that the King of Cannanore would rather give us caterpillars than even one real, and finally he killed a guazil, one of your fine men, simply because he was our friend and a frequent visitor to the castle. Summary of pp. 769-773 Alonso de Albuquerque sent a request to the King of Cochin for him to assist Goa in its defence with some of his Noirs, but the King did not attend to this, nor ought he to have done, because it is against their custom for them to go out to sea. Antonio Real was left by Albuquerque as captain here [i.e. of Cochin), which was a most agreeable appointment, for God has denied him his due hitherto. However, it was subject to certain petty conditions, and Albuquerque s governorship has come to be regarded with great contempt. One night a slave fled from the castle, there being few men there, and he went out from the castle without saying
_ 43 _ anything to anyone, with two or three sides, and went to the King of Cochin and to the merchant to ask them to look for this slave. I do not believe that Your Highness ordered him to do such things in his instructions. The other arm of justice that Afonso de Albuquerque left, who sets everything aright here, is one Fernando Aves, who was a servant of Afonso Pereira, the Governor of Santarim, and who used to have charge of collecting taxes from the butchers of Santarim. He was arrested for stealing from the hospital there, and I believe he came here from prison. Here Francisco Pereira gave him charge of a few pigs and ducks of his, and other matters one should not mention to Your Highness, on account of their shamefulness. Afonso da Albuquerque appointed him judge here and for my pains he made me his clerk for a time, as I wrote last year to Your Highness, though afterward I had the chance to get away from that. Then Afonso de Albuquerque gave him charge of this hospital, he having behaved so well at the other one in Santarim, and of legacies to the church and other church matters. It is shameful to tell you, Sir, because he is your
_ 44 _ commander, but he took a good sum of money from this Fernando Aves, who was also to give him a third of his judgements, from which Your Highness may see how honest he is. The Viceroy considered it most necessary in governing to understand men, and if he did not, great damage would be the consequence. And Afonso de Albuquerque put such a man as this Fernando Aves in charge of justice. Lisuarti de Freitas, superintendent of the hospital, Antonio Zagallo, the clerk and Joao da Silve, vicar, a respected church dignitary, all were Afonso de Albuquerque a officials, when the Viceroy did not even give charge of e goat. Afonso de Avbuquerque, whom nature created for the odium and detriment of all men, ruined the world and your property, saying he must conquer still more, not only by himself but through his officials and deputies. Regarding seizures of ships and booty, the proceeds are not correctly accounted for so that Your Highness’s treasury may benefit, but improperly dissipated here and there to various parties. I heard that Lourenco Moreno, who came here, carried permission to give the King of Cochin one hundred cruzados when it seemed right to him According to my imagination Your Highness should know that I wanted instead a factor to come here who would
_ 45 _ bring authority to take the King one hundred cruzados when he deserved them Bribery causes so much harm and ruin. In the fashion men come to the point where they do not want to do anything except for a bribe, and them for a further bribe, so that we old ones say that it oils the wheels. Last year the Marchal [i.e. D. Fernando Coutinho] gave two hundred cruzados to the King of Cochin for giving him early dispatch of a cargo, because it was going from your merchandise. On the other hand, he threw Mathias out. to ruination for having taken by force his copper, when he could not pay the debt he owed in your factory. The details of matters concerning the merchandise of Your Highness, in which wrongs are committed and a great many errors, and which many know were previously not made, Your Highness will know of through his officials who are responsible here. I neither know nor wish to know of them, because I only find grief and unhappiness when I see men and captains who owe so much to Your Highness behaving so disloyally in your service. Seems to me, Sir, that one may have justice with your servants and the local people if there is good faith, but they must be sure of their sailings and departures, and if your
_ 46 _ captains do what they should not do and if they are paid what they are not owed it is deliberate fraud. Translation of p. 773 (part) I do not know if Bartolomeu still seeks to break a contract which a factor of his made, in order not to lose the credit he has in the world. Your Highness may not know how well and with how much love he has served you, but if so, concerning this matter witness’s a statement may be taken through. all the world and in Afonso de Albuquerque’s fleet, for there is truth even among enemies, it seems, and thus you will know how much he towered above all men in serving you. Not like Afonso de Albuquerque, who on finishing the cancellation of the departures of ships that the Viceroy had arranged he left for Goa, and took from the man as much money as he could which remained to them, if Your Highness did not hear how his merchandise was dealt with. Then Afonso de Albuquerque came to Cochin and immediately gave many licences for sailing to Portugal through his signature and when he embarked, he sent a message that all those to whom he had given them should send him a galley.
_ 47 _ These things were thus, Sir, and may God help me, and there were many worse ones: Goa and Ormuz and everything may be lost to Christianity, perhaps, without any man being blamed, but that will never come to pass without great evil and deception. For this kind of thing one can well say ‘by deliberate fraud’. Summary of remainder [i,e, to p. 776] Because the good governance of the land has to imitate that in heaven, where there is perpetual peace and with this governance Our Lord specially entrusts us, we know that this peace preserves the world and war destroys it. Therefore, Sir, and especially for the good of your service and improvement of your estate here, I say that in my opinion it is necessary to have peace with Calicut. If you do not have it there will always be Calicut to oppose us and I do not know when you may be able to destroy them. Nor would there be any profit, nor can the other ports be safe when they know that so much damage has been done there, in Malacca and all the other places. I say, Sir, that for trade peace is necessary with the whole world, and further that this Afonso de Albuquerque be sent out of India and that the world be free from the chicanery, vanity and cowardice which one could not
_ 48 _ relate by all the tongues of men. Sir, I have been moved by the wars and wants of these parts to flee away when the captains can take me. That charity that God and Your Highness gave me will be enough for the few days that still remain to me, and if by fortune much is left over I may leave Your Highness richer, for I leave him in my will everything that remains, as I hold it to be the most noble deed of all for men to order that their property be used in good works in the charge of the excellent and divine governance of the Royal Estate. Another letter from Goncalo Fernandes (?) to our master the King in his service.
_ 49 _ (6) Document no. and reference. Episodes of the year 1511 On 12th of July 1511, King "Dom Manuel I" of Lisbon sent a letter to the priest of Segovia, Dom Fradique, informing him about the Persian siege of the Turkish-controlled city of Aleppo and his receipt of gifts from the King of Persia:(6) Reverend Bishop, friend and nephew, we the King send you greetings. After we had written to the King [of Spain] about the news that had reached us on the arrival of four ships from India, about the taking of Goa from the Moors, enemies of our Catholic faith, by our Captain-in-Chief of those parts and the defeat he had inflicted, another eight ships arrived laden with spices. With these latter ships came letters from the Captainin- Chief who told us that while he was in Goa, an Ambassador sent by Sheikh Ismael, known as the Sufi, ruler of Persia
_ 50 _ and renowned for his great deeds arrived with presents for the King of Goa but finding our Captain-in-Chief, our representative, master of the whole of the Kingdom of Goa, praise be to God, he presented the presents to him instead. Our Captain-in-Chief forwarded these presents to us which consisted of coverings for horses, very precious cloth richly embroidered in gold and silk, fine silk of the kind used in those lands, lots of fine bonnets and other things and a tall red hood of the kind that all these warriors of Sheikh Ismael wear so that they recognize each other in battle. He offered our Captain-in-Chief friendship from his Lord and King and in turn our Captain-in-Chief sent the Sheikh one of our men so we could more easily learn about his Lord and his customs. Our Captain-in-Chief wrote and told us that Sheikh Ismael besieged the city of Aleppo, which he says is a great city and he told us he was also engaging in constant battle with the Turks. We thought it right to write about these things as we have previously done, so you could inform the King [of Spain] on our part, reverend and much-loved Father. We hope we will be writing to him very soon with news from the Red Sea. Written in Lisbon on 12 July 1511 by the Secretary. The
_ 51 _ King Dom Antonio for the Bishop of Segovia with other news of India which came in these last eight naus. (On the Back) For the King to the Reverend Dom Fradique, Bishop of Segovia, his beloved nephew.
_ 52 _ (7) Document no. and reference. In the same year (1511) On 25th of August 1511, an anonymous writer from Rhodes sent a letter to an unknown address, in which he reported news about King Ismail Safavid that came via Rhodes and Venice in 1511, that one of King Ismail Safavid's captains revolted and seized Kerman, so the Turks sent forces to Kerman, but the Persian captain attacked them and eliminated most of the Turkish forces:(7) In this month of May, a captain of the Sophy’s Red-Caps [Qizilbash] rebelled and overran a large part of Karaman. He came to Setilias [?=Antalya] and took many towns and villages and put them all to fire and the sword. They came [....], and took a large city called [Tosmoly] and killed children and women and left no one alive. The news reached the Turk, and he sent two captains,
_ 53 _ one with twenty-three thousand men and the other with fourteen thousand, and they marched against the captain of the Sophy. When he learned of their approach he made preparations. One of the Turkish captains pressed ahead, thinking that he alone could defeat him and he would have the honour. He had his battle and the Turks were defeated and most of them killed. Three days after this battle the other captain arrived and had his battle, and the Turks were routed and many of them killed. When the Turk learned that his forces had been defeated and killed and that the Sophy’s men were doing so much harm in Turkey, he sent his son, who was near Persia with fifty thousand men, and Constantin Barsa in his company, and they went towards [Antalya]. When the Sophy’s men heard about the oncoming army, they moved away towards their own country because they saw that it was too strong a force for them, and because they had two days march advantage, they were not able to catch them up. The Sophy’s men went to join up with other captains coming from Persia by order of the Sophy to help these captains. They met together with rejoicing and rested throughout June, and in July they all came back to find the battlefield [...]. The battle took place, so that [...] The news
_ 54 _ came that forty thousand Turks were killed including their captain. The news is certain, because two hundred [...] Christians of Turkey fled for fear of the Sophy and [...] to the Red Castle, and now the Grand Master has sent vessels to bring them here. Sir, when the Sophy’s men were attacking [Antalya] we thought we might help them with the galleys [...] by giving them artillery and ships if they needed them. When we got there, they had already gone, and we did not speak with them. The Turk, seeing that he could not inform [Antalya] by land that he was [nas focas ? =Foca] sent [Cortegelj], the brother of [Canalo], with four foists to give him information and help. We were at Finike with the galleys, and before daybreak they came against us and we took all the soldiers and he was killed in the fighting. Many Turks died, but none of us. Sir, this captain of the Sophy has done things that no king who has ever been would not consider himself fortunate to do, with so few soldiers that they do not amount to thirty thousand men in all, but they are all mounted on horses and armed. The Turks are frightened, for they do not know where these people came from, and they say that they are devils and not men. It is said that in this last battle five thousand janissaries were killed and many men.
_ 55 _ Written in Rhodes on the twenty-fifth of August in one thousand five hundred and eleven.
_ 56 _ (8) Document no. and reference. In the same year (1511) Afonso de Albuquerque sent a letter to King Santo Antonio on the way to Goa on 30th of October 1511, informing him of the Turkish Sultan’s negotiations with the ruler of Aden, as well as the sea voyages in the straits, that if the Portuguese took control of Aden, trade would be secure forever:(8) Resume pages 482-483 He tells the king that he is sending via Joao Serra, the letters from the men captured in Aden and that the news is bad for India. In addition to having closed the entrance to the Straits, the Moors are setting up a base in Aden, causing great expenses to us, and are brazenly sailing the seas with spice cargoes. He relates how three Jews who had arrived from Cairo
_ 57 _ brought news that the Sultan has requested 100,000 xerafins from the Sheikh of Aden, who refused the request, with the result that the Sultan wished to kill him. He gives his opinion that this matter must be dealt with and be given priority over certain Indian affairs. He also advises his willingness to go to the Straits during that year even though he is short of ships for such a venture. Page 484-485 in full As regards Aden and the Strait, not only is there no opposition from the captains, soldiers and noblemen to my taking the cargo vessels with me, but they point out many reasons why it is to everyone’s advantage to do so. They do not believe the cargoes will be lost and are of the opinion that if we capture Aden and control the entrance to the Straits, trade will be ensured for ever and the naus may bring in their cargoes next year. I shall keep you fully informed about what happens up to the time the cargo ships leave for Portugal. For the present I can only tell you what is happening in India and what I intend to do. I wish to remind you once again, Sir, that you have in your hands the two most important things, Goa and
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