Volume Seven
The Portuquese in the Sea of Oman Annals of History 1497 CE – 1757 CE Volume Seven by: Al Qasimi Publications Author: Dr. Sultan Bin Muhammad Al-Qasimi (United Arab Emirates) Publisher: Al Qasimi Publications, Sharjah, United Arab Emirates Edition: First Year of publication: 2025 ©All rights reserved * ISBN: 978-9948-715-30-6 * Printing Permission: UAE Media Council No. MC 03-01-2072441, Date: 17-03-2025 Printing: AL Bony Press- Sharjah, UAE Age Classification: E The age group that matches the content of the books was classified according to the age classification issued by UAE Media Council * Al Qasimi Publications, Al Tarfa, Sheikh Muhammad Bin Zayed Road PO Box 64009 Sharjah, United Arab Emirates. Tel: 0097165090000, Fax: 0097165520070 Email: info@aqp.ae
_ 5 _ Contents Introduction to Volume Seven 7 • Episodes of the year 1542 9 • Episodes of the year 1543 107 • Episodes of the year 1544 111 • Episodes of the year 1545 117 • Episodes of the year 1546 233 Researchers’ Guide 537 Volume Seven Reference 557
_ 7 _ Introduction to Volume Seven This volume covers the events of five years, from 1542 to 1546, during which many significant events unfolded, particularly for the city of Ormuz. The city alternated between times of prosperity and peace, followed by periods of poverty and unrest. Throughout this period, Ormuz remained under the constant threat of an attack by the Ottomans. During these years, the Ottoman forces advanced to Baghdad and from there proceeded to Zakiya, on the outskirts of Basra. Subsequently, Basra was occupied by the Ottoman forces. In 1546, the Portuguese forces succeeded in defeating the King of Campay and capturing the Bassin port, the Turkish military base on the western coast of India. They then signed a peace treaty with the King of Campay. Dr. Sultan Bin Mohammad Al-Qasimi
_ 9 _ (1) Document no. and reference. Episodes of the year 1542 A letter from Constantinople on the 28th of May 1542, from Diogo da Mesquita to the Secretary of State, Pero de Alcacova Carneiro, with a translation of a letter written by the Turk to His Highness, informing him that he had no doubt that he would give him four thousand quintals of pepper in exchange for the five thousand Moio that His Highness had requested, indicating peace between Turkey and Portugal:(1) Sir, I wanted to write to you at great length but time does not permit me, so I am sending this man for that purpose. Through the letters of our lord the King and the Count, you will be informed of the affairs of this place though, for it is likely, you may already know this from Duarte Catanho, who left here two and a half months ago things are as I state.
_ 10 _ This matter would have progressed more smoothly if it had been initiated by person who had greater love for his homeland and had been born there. I do not say this because the person who did so does not deserve a great deal for it, but rather because he did not live there as the country requires. At least my ability is important to this country, and to those who govern it, because great things will be achieved with money. However, the King neither sees nor hears anything except what he is told by four men, especially Suleiman Pasha and Rustan Pasha, his son-in-law. In affairs of this nature, Suleiman Pasha controls everything. As far as pepper and other products; mainly food, are concerned, these people are content that they will (not) run out. I am writing this to His Highness and to the Count. You should remind them of it, and this matter should be dealt with quickly. They have given me eight months for this message to go and be answered. I accepted this letter because it was reasonable to wait for Duarte Catanho and what His Highness has instructed in this matter. Its translation into Portuguese is appended to this letter because someone sent it in his. The Turk will deliver it to you there. If the other is found, keep this one and do not show it because they are exactly the same.
_ 11 _ I wrote to His Highness and to the Count that I was sending it by two vias but I refrained from doing so for fear that [...] letters and especially since this is going [...]. You will do me a favour if you ensure that this is dealt with at once. Since the Turk is so willing to deliver it, he will endeavour to give the news of the country and everything that you want to learn from him and the letter let me know what I can do for you. I wrote to the Count that if my journey could be arranged from here because of my illness, I should be very pleased, especially if it turns out that the country is in war with Spain, and if it is not the case [...] they may have objection [...] let a safe-conduct be sent by way of the ambassador. He is bringing the King's letter, the one I brought was not necessary. I trust in God that this business which will be conducted in Portugal, whether it be good or bad, by what he writes to the Turk. Because of this, let the letter be written in Portuguese so what remains to be done can be done here. The mandate that is here will suffice if Duarte Catanho does not arrive, letter is needed, stating briefly that he is on his way agree to this, that no duke a marquis is expected. When His Highness sends a gift to the Turk, a great deal will be settled. I believe this depends on the fleet. All that is
_ 12 _ being done is to assemble the many items needed by it. All else is unimportant. Therefore, I kiss Your Grace's hands. From Constantinople, on 28 May 1542. Ana Margarida To the highest and most powerful above all Christians, the greatest stronghold and highest lord of Christ's religion, the most exalted king, who brings peace to the Christians, and to whom God gives grace; the example who brings peace to all and gives instruction and honour, Dom João, King of Portugal, sign of perfect kindness. You will learn from this letter and its warrant, that Diogo de Mesquita, the most exemplary and perfect of your men in the religion of Christ, arrived in my port and stated that Your Highness was happy with our friendship, that you would give three thousand quintals of pepper and that I should offer five thousand moios of wheat in return. Duarte Catanho had given no account of this agreement before this, and although Your Highness will know that, from the time of my ancestors up to the present, no one has been given wheat in this way, as it does not accord with our honour. Among other instances where we allowed this, gave it to Duarte Catanho. We now affirm and once again
_ 13 _ bear witness to the high and exalted Creator of all those born with His grace who gave us so much income and so many kingdoms and people that do not need anything from any prince or king. The People, kings and lords who come to our doors are shown respect and goodwill at my discretion, and all those who want my help and favour receive it from me. So, since you want peace with us, you will give us three thousand quintals of pepper wrapped in buckram, and I will return your service. With this condition I swear to you and give you my word that Your Highness allow four thousand quintals of pepper and some other drugs, indigo and clothing, viz, turbans, to be bought in Calicut and in the lands of India. These Turkish merchants who sail from here and come from there, let them come and go without any physical harassment or hurt being done to them, and you will treat them as you treat your friends. Let no one impede those sailing from Aden, Jidda, Suakin or Zabid, and do not allow your fleet to go to the seaport of el-Shihr, which the high God gave me, or the coast of Abyssinia, if it is clear that they are not merchantmen, and in other places, if they are Turks, do not impede them.
_ 14 _ When this peace and friendship is agreed, we will command our fleet and troops not to go to your towns and castles. We also order all our captains and troops, to commit no harm against your merchants, who travel with your permission or that of your governor or captains and who want to come to these my kingdoms and domains. If, on the other hand, they do not show your warrant, their merchandise will be forfeit and they will be arrested. If, after paying the duty ordered, merchant should die, his goods will be handed over to your representative here, or to a captain who asks for it. We will require a safe-conduct to be given to all the merchants who leave our kingdoms so and that no one will hinder or oppose then which will authorize them to sail to all the sea-ports where they trade and let no-one prevent them. Because I usually give all my friends what they ask for, since Your Highness needs wheat, I shall order it to be given you in exchange for your money wherever you wish, as I do for the King of France and the Venetians. My wishes are always clear to whoever wishes peace or was with me, and I put pressure on no-one. If you wish to accept this peace, within eight months from the writing of this letter, send us reply so that I can accept, attach and confirm it.
_ 15 _ Done today, 23 May 1542 of the Christian era and 949 of the Mohommedan, in Constantinople. This is the Turk's reply, what he says in it is contained in the other letters. Ruiz Queiros To the most magnificent lord, Pero de Alcaçova Carneiro, secretary of our King.
_ 16 _ In the same year (1542) The surrender agreements concluded between Heitor da Silveira and the King of Aden in 1542, who made himself a vassal of the King of Portugal:(2) That the King of Aden rendered himself a vassal of Dom João of Portugal, and of all his descendents, with ten thousand pardãos of gold as tribute each year, of which he would at once deliver up one thousand five hundred with which to work in Ormuz a crown of gold for the King, which would be sent by the first ships as a first, offering of the tribute. That the ships of the King of Aden and of his merchants would navigate freely along all parts they should wish, withdrawing from Mecca, without our fleets interfering with them. Of this, says Castanheda, deeds were drawn (2) Document no. and reference.
_ 17 _ up, which we searched thoroughly for in the Archives of India, without finding any trace, nor in the book of the factor of this fleet which we ran through, nor in that of the Factor who then was of Ormuz, did we find charged these thousand five hundred cruzados, where they were in duty bound to be receipted: wherefore we know not where the truth of this lies, beyond what we have found in some written memorandums, and referred to in Castanheda, who was there at the time and would undoubtedly not have written this without foundation.
_ 18 _ In the same year (1542) The inhabitants of Ormuz sent a letter to the King of Spain, in which they demanded the return of Martim Afonso de Melo, as the commander of Ormuz:(3) We, the dignitaries and resident casados of the city of Ormuz send this our letter to the most high and mighty King Dom João, king of all kings among Christians and Moors, whose kingdoms and lordships and royal estate may God sustain and protect. We inform him that when the most honoured Martim Afonso de Melo, Captain of Ormuz, came to this city he always laboured to people and protect it, and built good work in the fortress and made very strong defensive walls so that this fortress is much stronger. He built new walls (3) Document no. and reference.
_ 19 _ beside the old ones and made a great …. around the fortress which made it yet stronger. He built very well, and now it can be said that this fortress is as it should be, and we can boast about it. He ordered that all the King's houses which were around it should be pulled down, and he made a very … parade ground around the fortress, and it is much more secure. Nobody until that time had been able to do or to organize such a work. After he had completed the fortress he filled this city of Ormuz with people, and ennobled and maintained it with great justice and truth. Everything he did is held as an example and known in these lands and throughout Persia, and when this was known many caravans and merchants thronged to Ormuz. In his time everything was on the increase, profits and inhabitants and trade, and the residents of this land and foreigners were all happy with him and his justice, and all the time he was here he treated truthfully with residents and foreigners, so that Ormuz is now well-populated. In recent years no Captain has behaved as he did, for through his truth and justice all the fortresses in Arabia and Persia are obedient and pay their dues. All the residents
_ 20 _ had great hopes of him because of the truth with which he treated everyone. The residents (beg) that as soon as possible Your Highness will send him back to Ormuz for the solace of all, for everyone who travels by sea and land are pleased with him, and praise God for having given them so good a Captain, who by his honesty has re-peopled the city. The residents also pray to God for the life and royal estate of Your Highness, so that you will send us this Captain. May Our Lord increase the days of Your Highness's life and your royal estate and all your affairs. The persons who were present and signed are the following: Sharafa al-Din Khwaja (Boadim] Mahmud Shah Rukh al-Din (Nague) al-Din Faridun Abidin Ibrahim (Madag) Ali Ali Ibn al-Hasan (Morsed) Nimat Allah
_ 21 _ (4) Document no. and reference. In the same year (1542) The judge of Ormuz sent a letter to King Dom João III, in which he mentioned the conditions in Ormuz:(4) Letter from the Guazil of Ormuz, nephew of Reis Nuruddin, former guazil of that city, to King D. João III, in which he praised him for the great sincerity and devotion with which he always treated him (not only him, but his predecessors), and he asked him to write to his Captain Major, for him to treat with favour the King of Ormuz, whom he had in his power. May [...] God reign upon the face of the earth for endless days, for an eternity of time and forever more in the royal domain of the powerful and honoured King; sight of the eyes of past and present kings, hope of all peoples, King Alexander of this age; God's follower,
_ 22 _ standard-bearer of the religion of Christ, and of all the Moors, by your good counsel, learning and gentle tact; champion of your kingdoms through the practice of your justice; pacifier of the wicked through your courage and chivalry; may your power and dignity in the service of almighty God, most powerful King João [...] in [...] your affairs, virtue and justice, increase your kingdoms and domains. I the former slave and faithful servant of Your Highness inform you that it was God's will that Your Highness should pacify these Moorish kingdoms by the power of your Portuguese armies. When the first Captain-Major, Afonso de Albuquerque arrived in Ormuz in the time of Turun Shah, my uncle Reis Nur Uddin, was Guazil. He was better than all the former guazils, always agreeing with the reigning king, as well as with the servants of the King of Portugal, and with the things of interest to them rather than to the Moors. He was happy to serve them with his person and property, and he always fought against Moors, until a fortress was built for your armies against the wishes of the Moorish kings; and he was always a good and faithful servant until he died. On the advice of your Captain-Major, King Turun Shah made his son, Reis Sharaf, guazil, and he finished in his service until Your Highness ordered him to be summoned
_ 23 _ so that he could be in your service. At that time, King Turun Shah married the daughter of Sheikh [Cotbo Adem Nematuala], who gave advice to King Turun Shah to commit treason against the Christians. (Reis Leme Shah), the son of Reis Nur Uddin, informed the Captain of what he knew about the King of Ormuz. As we belong to the family of loyal people of times gone by, I did not want Your Highness to distrust and, least of all, to listen to the idle talk of corrupt factors, because we are known by them, I mean, by Christian noblemen and by everyone. The wish of this your captive, is to be among (the ranks of your servants and those who are most loyal, and I am very dedicated to your service and have been for a long time. When Sheikh Rashid was guazil and then his son, I was in the service of the King of Ormuz in Julfar as well as Captain of Ormuz, until it was God's will that the sheikh should die. Because the Bedouins disagreed with Sheikh Ahmed while I was in Julfar, I pacified them and curbed the crimes they were committing against the property and fortresses of the King of Ormuz, As I say, while I was there, I was given a letter from Martin Afonso de Melo, Captain of Ormuz, telling me to
_ 24 _ go immediately and present myself in Ormuz, since it was the King's wish that I should serve him as guazil. I, Your Highness's slave, made my excuses but could offer no excuse that they were willing to hear. The leaders of the Portuguese were present and they ordered me to take up the post as it was in the King of Portugal's interests that I should not do the opposite. No matter how many excuses I made, they had no desire whatsoever to accept them, nor were they in any way to my advantage. It is now two years the day since I have been acting as guazil. During the time that the Arab guazils served, all the Persians left Ormuz. The present Captain of Ormuz, whom I came to serve praises God and Your Highness, because everything belonging to the King is now profitable. Seven fortresses surrendered to you immediately, because we serve Your Highness very loyally with our persons and property. Now I hope for reward, honour and favour from Your Highness. As for the business of the Ormuz customshouse and its revenues, praise to be God, they are better than in the time of the Arabs, who were lacking in prudence and squandered and wasted the profits of the customshouse, in any way that suited them. I your slave produce good income from the customshouse and with it I pay the pareas and discharge other obligations.
_ 25 _ When Dom Pedro de Castelo Branco arrived in Ormuz eight and a half months ago, the customhouse yielded thousand and twenty-six lacs, fifty [...] and seventy-eight dinars. The Arab guazils seized half the income and spent it on totally unnecessary things in Ormuz, but your slave spent no more than a quarter of the income on expenses that could not be avoided. The expenditure of Ormuz is of this kind and size, whether caravans come or not. Dom Pedro de Castelo Branco, who has performed no small service in the protection of these lands and in profits for your treasury, will give you an account of these matters and of others. And [...] there are many things which seem to me cannot be written about the King of Ormuz being in the power of the Captain-Major of India, apart from [the fact] that Don Estevão da Gama sent for him, and he put his son Sultan Turun Shah, who in Your Highness's service, in his place, and ordered me and all the Moors to serve him, in Your Highness's name Thus, Captain Dom Estevão da Gama ordered me not to hand over to you anything from all the revenues of the King of Ormuz. I am so afraid that if this is known there will be disputes and damage in this city and nothing will be left for its upkeep. Today the King of Ormuz, a man who
_ 26 _ is innocent, is in Your Highness's power. Your Highness will learn about things that are most in your interests. It is not necessary to say who does them better to you [...]. I beg Your Highness, as a favour, that you write to your Captain-Major and to the Captain of Ormuz for them not to treat the King of Ormuz and his affairs carelessly or with neglect. I your slave beg of you, as a favour, to write and instruct your Captain-Major and his officials not to forget me or what I ask of you. Let them reply quickly to your slave. May God increase Your Highness's life and royal estate. To King D. João III.
_ 27 _ (5) Document no. and reference. In the same year (1542) On the 10th of August 1542, Joao de Sepulveda wrote a letter to the King, stating that he was heading to the coast of Malindi, and that he would arrange matters because the Turks would come with a huge fleet to seize that coast:(5) Senhor. Last year I wrote to Your Highness that I was going to the coast of Melynde to fulfil your service as the Rumes had effected great damage with their foists that had come there, and also in affirming strongly that in that year a large fleet would be coming to take these fortresses and punish all our friends. My going, Senhor, was forced, because had I not done so, all that said coast would have risen for them, and the Moors are afraid that the Captain should give Çofala up to
_ 28 _ the cape of Guardafuy and for this reason they besought succour from me. Our friends who were terrified at these Rumes, and they were very sanquine for they declared that no relief could come from those fortresses and that they had enough to see about in order to make themselves ready, and whereas I knew I could go very safely and that was expedient to our credit and for the security of these fortresses to do so in the future, I did, and said, and carried in my company a hundred men. I arrived to Melinde at the end of August where it was considered most certain that the Rumes were coming for as much as they had left many proofs, and a foist of their company in Magadaxo; at the said Melinde I took two foists of Cairo which I found there, and with the four I was taking and some zambugos, and Moors of the said Melinde who were pleased to come with me, it seemed to me to be right for me to go to the said Magadaxo which stands some two hundred leagues from thence, and is the last Moorish place of the said coast, and among them is very renowned, where it was held as very certain the coming of the Rumes and they were very friendly with them when I arrived but no one came forth out to sea and I went at once on land and
_ 29 _ took the said foist that was anchored there and destroyed the city and caused sufficient damage and offence. I proceeded further for six leagues where there is a good watering place and good station for repairing the small ships and is the chief spat where all ships make for that come from Arabia and the Strait, and I remained there for some days until there arrived some vessels from which I learnt for certain that the Rumes were not coming that year, and, whereas it was November, and the East winds had already commenced. I returned to the said Magadaxo and made peace with its King, and came by Brava at which place I came on shore and destroyed it, and set fire to the place; this caused them much damage and slew some of the Moors, all which they very well deserved on accord of the friendship and alliance they had made with the Rumes, and they also delivered up some three or four Portuguese when they went there, and after well punishing them, I made peace with them, and I came along the coast establishing friendship everywhere as far as Melinde, where I found a message from Martim Afonso de Souza the Governor, that he was wintering at Moçambique and he wrote to me that was in great need of food supplies and cables, all which I sent him in as great abundance as I was able.
_ 30 _ The King of Melinde besought me to destroy some places in the neighbourhood with which for many years he had waged war, and I did so, and in order to effect this he gave me as a help four or five hundred Moors, which number sufficed to do his will, and whereas I was very scandalized with Mombaça and the Moors of Melinde beseeching me with these and the said hundred men I had brought in my company I determined upon attacking it with the intention and hope of taking it, and as they had heard of my coming they were very well prepared and had a large number as a reinforcement. I went on shore one morning at day, dawn, and the Moors who had come in my company would not disembark, and as it could be done with far less peril, I approached the wall of the said place, as I was not forced to do so and because we were low in number, and the Moors had to refuse to come out to land, we were very much harassed and many were wounded of my company, and I received two arrow shots in the neck which nearly brought me to death's door through one being poisoned; the men were mustered together and embarked in the best order we could manage at the time. On board there died seven or eight men from the wounds they had received on land, among which was
_ 31 _ one Luzo de Guemad son of Alomso Amriques my Uncle whom may God pardon, of an arrow wound he received from a poisoned arrow; in this undertaking he had helped me very well as being a brave man; of the said Mombaça there died many Moors, and the chief among them; she is now stronger than she ever was because she had no wall and now she is surrounded by a new one, after this they demanded peace, I would not permit any talk about this because they are a very treacherous people and they never side with us, let them first desist from treacheries and all the evils they can; from thence I came to the island of Zamzibar where owing to my ill health I remained thirty or forty days. I arrived to Moçabique at the end of January, still under bad treatment, and I found the Governor Martim Afonso with the determination of going to India at the end of April, which thing seemed to me to be very much to the service of Your Highness for many reasons which I do not state here, and which you will already know through the persons who went from India last year, the left here in a galleon at the end of February with good weather. He is a person who is greatly desired in India, and has many good qualifications for her, from whom Your Highness it is accepted will be well served, he ordered to
_ 32 _ be taken from this factory a hundred and seventy or eighty bahares of ivory the greater part of which were from parts where payments had been made to him, he left orders that from the first that should come to this Factory they should pay the said parts, as I ordered should be done as soon as. I arrived here from Çofala; the ships were not ready for which reason they did not go with him, I was charged to have them sent out as early as possible; they were ready on the eighth of March and departed on the twentieth of the said month, because the weather was not fit before. Each of these vessels took two cables of Cairo [fibre] newly made as they wished of which they were in great need, end of all else they were equipped the best that could be done in so barren a land, may it please God to give them a good voyage: there remained many invalids in this Hospital, and others convalescent, very poor, out of it, as soon as the ships lent they were able to be better provided and relieved, and owing to the despairing of the ships being able to come here as it was so late, I gave them all passage to India. Senhor, after the departure of the Governor and of the ships, I went to Çofala and found the land very much wrecked by war that exists among the Caffres which is such that, they would not allow any ransom to go to the fortress, end owing to their being possessed of no reason or
_ 33 _ knowledge, and as no one thing they say they fulfil, it is a great labour to await their delays, nor is it any advantage to make any good or bad negotiation with them, nor have they any [in pencil error] by which they can be led, and everyone says that they wish for the friendship of the said fortress, and the warfare is about defending each other, so that no one comes to ransom nor carry away merchandize from the Factory because he that would take them will at once become more wealthy than the others. This is only because they see us and they at once exercise diligence and craft, and this is due according to what I have learnt, that for over two years they have not allowed any ransom to come to the fortress, there being inland much gold, so it is said, and a great want of merchandize which is what they more greatly esteem. Just as I was about to depart for this Moçambique, there came an Ambassador of Benamotapa, who is the most powerful of them all and he always had great friendship with us, and despite that he is far away as his inland parts dominates all the lands and roads up to the fortress, and for the last two years his own vassals rose against him those that lived between him and the safe fortress in such a manner that whereas he desired
_ 34 _ nothing better than our friendship and communication they prevented it up to this time. When he sent four Portuguese with the said Ambassadors and charged them to tell me to send him a trusty man with some others and that he would promise to open the roads in such a manner that the Caffres and Merchants might come to traffic as formerly; and he merely wished to retain there this man, so as to be certain that we desired his friendship, of which he was in doubt as there had elapsed a long time that he had not sent to visit the said fortress, which it appeared was because he could not do so any more . It was the opinion of the native Moors and old men of the place, and my own also, that it would be as well to send him the said man which he had sent to ask for, in order to confirm those that should come from thence that he could go without any danger and get into the rule of Portuguese Ambassadors going to the said Benamotapa and being well treated the one selected for this mission being Fernam de Proença, who was there scrivener of the Factory, a man of good understanding and experienced and accustomed to the land, he was pleased to go, believing that in so doing he would be doing some service to Your Highness. He took many gifts may it please God that this ground should redound and yield in this land a great advantage to Your
_ 35 _ Highness then it has hither to done, and if this be not so in my time, I will consider myself very aggrieved. For as much as this things of Cofala are affairs that must be undone, I mean dissolved of themselves, leaving the Factory in a good state, I judged it a better service to Your Highness, to proceed to Moçambique even if by so doing I should experience loss and labour, where I am forced to be, until I know for certain if the Rumes are coming to this fortress, as it is said they are. Although of the coast it was my sincere opinion that it cannot be, but so long as this is so I am compelled to remain here where no work is done of what I wrote to Your Highness last year owing to the Governor wintering who occupied all the shipping which were to bring the stone and likewise all other materials needed for the work; this year I will work, God willing, so as to do the utmost I possibly can, and owing to one year of my time having already passed I shall be unable to do more than fortify this fortress on the site it stands the best that can be done, but for it to be strong I wish to be able to defend it with few men against an infinitude. This fortress should have been made on another site of this island where there is great convenience for it, and
_ 36 _ which could be done with very small expense, there would only be needed that from thence a good master stone mason be sent out with a few others; for all the rest can be round among the natives who are well able to do all the work that is demanded of them: it seems to me that there is great need of this fortress and this I discussed with the Governor Martim Affonso, and the same was his opinion, because whether rightly or wrongly if these five ships were not going to Moçambique which had wintered here, and the men, without doubt they would be lost and likewise others which at other times had wintered here, hence. Let Your Highness see to this; and you will perceive that there would be no harm, rather to the contrary very necessary that there should be here a small fortress and approaches, and made very strong as it can well be done without it being necessary to have more men to defend it than what was always told off to these fortresses; if it should meet the approval of Your Highness, order that whomsoever should arrange the first fleet that has to come out here. To remember to send out the said stone masons among which let there be some very good officer and the said fortress will be made with small cost and any Captain who may be here, on Your Highness so ordering it, will
_ 37 _ be pleased to do so, in view of how greatly it behaves your service, because it is bad enough for a thing from which so much depends and may result, to be so weak, and have in itself no resistance, when it could be do strengthened at the same expense only with this that I say above which costs no more than to remember this at the departure of the ships, and this same thing was the Governor Martim Affonso's opinion, should he not write about it will be on account that with the pressure of many other affairs he may have overlooked it. I beg to make this reminder on account of the duty I owe your service, and Your Highness will give such orders in respect to this as shall best please you, I beg to remind Your Highness that I have a great will and desire to serve you and that for this I merit of Your Highness all the thought you may have; of myself if I should have to from thence be pleased to grant me a ship in which to go. May our Lord increase the life and Royal Estate of Your Highness as He may desire Written in Moçambique on the tenth of August one thousand five hundred and forty two João de Sepulveda. On the superscription for the King our lord From João de Sepulveda.
_ 39 _ (6) Document no. and reference. In the same year (1542) Diogo Lopes de Sousa sent a letter to D. Estevado da Gama, the Governor of India, stating that the nobles of the Straits had sent messengers and ambassadors to the Turks, informing them of the presence of the Turks in the Red Sea(6): Sir, The news I have here, I do not know how certain it is but the Moors of this country and those of Cambay assert strongly that it came from Basra is that all the sharifas of the Strait have sent ambassadors to the Turk and informed him that the Portuguese have been sailing in the Strait for two years and now the Governor in person has been there. They had destroyed many towns and these were now in such a state that if the fleet returned there they all had no alternative but to surrender.
_ 40 _ They begged him to render aid, both because of his status and because of their faith. On receipt of this message, the Turk sent a captain to Suez, to make ready the fleet which was there and to build ships [...]. As well as this he had sent men of his dressed as merchants with letters and messages to the King and lords of Cambay. I do not know how certain this is, but as I say, it is what is being asserted. If Your Lordship thinks fit, you can write about this to our lord the King, as I am doing so, and with these reservations, so that His Highness can investigate whether it is true or not. As I write this, I have been brought the news that the chief of the police station has ordered the gates of the customs house to be closed and also those of all the merchants in the city, and he is not allowing anything to be bought or sold in the city. I kiss Your Lordship's hands. From Diu, 28 December. Your Lordship's servant Diogo Lopes de Sousa.
_ 41 _ (7) Document no. and reference. In the same year (1542) The description of the events of 1542, as mentioned in the book: “Da Asia Nova” by the Portuguese historian Diogo do Couto, and the measures taken by the governor of India, Martim de Sosa, in examining the laws followed and matters related to the treasury:(7) Some actions of the Governor Martim Afonso de Sousa, and the fleet which left Portugal this year, 1542; how the Governor and António Cardoso, the Secretary, embarked for Cochin. As soon as Governor Martim Afonso took over the governorship, he began to enquire into law and treasury matters, and he discovered a considerable deficit in the tribute paid by the Kings of Ormuz, with which Governor D. Estévão had been concerned last summer. In order that
_ 42 _ the revenues of the State would not fall short by much and the King of Ormuz should not involve himself further in debt, he called a Council meeting to deal with this matter. For the better understanding of this story, I shall explain once more the reason for the tribute paid by the Kings of Ormuz. The first contract made between Afonso de Albuquerque and King Saif al-Din imposed an annual tribute of fifteen thousand gold xerafins. When António de Saldanha went to the Straits as Commander, he wintered on the island, where Turun Shah, the son brother of Saif al-Din, was ruling, and he increased this tribute by ten thousand xerafins. Governor D. Duarte de Noronha went there in 1523 to deal with revolt against the Portuguese in the island, and as King Turun Shah died at that time, the Governor placed his son Muhammad Shah on the throne and made a new contract with him, drawn up by Sebastião de Vargas, Secretary of the State. The principal clauses of this were: that he had received the Kingdom of Ormuz from D. Manuel, King of Portugal, (who was then still living); he and his successors would freely return the kingdom to any person sent by the Kings of Portugal; he would pay an additional
_ 43 _ thirty-five thousand gold xerafins which with the twentyfive thousand already agreed came to sixty thousand. He and his successors would be obliged to pay this in gold, silver and pearls, for the expenses of the country, with the proviso that, in the event of war with Cambay, which provided the principal revenue of the customs house there, for as long as the war lasted, they would not pay more than the twenty-five thousand xerafins of the first agreement. All this can be better seen in the book of the Standing Orders of the fortresses of India held in the accounts office of Goa, compiled by Simão Botelho, Chief Treasury Officer, which I copied in a book I have written on all the vassal kings, which is in the Torre do Tombo. After 1529, when Nuno da Cunha wintered in Ormuz on his way from Portugal, after the loss of Bahrain, he made peace terms with the Guazil, who was sentenced to pay forty thousand gold xerafins because of the revolt he led. This sum was later Taken from the Coimbra 1937 edition, pp. 553-559, 553-559. Imposed by Nuno da Cunha on the King of Ormuz, as the Guazil was his vassal, setting it down in the Standing Orders of that fortress. Thus, the tribute came to one hundred thousand pardaos, which the Governor ordered should be taken from the revenues of the customs
_ 44 _ house. If these did not come to the right amount, the remainder should be collected from all the other revenues of the kingdom until the sum was made up. But as the King was then left without means of sustenance, Nuno da Cunha then ordered that his revenues should not be touched and that the tribute should come only from the customs for two thirds of the sum, and the other third should be left to the King for his expenses. As at that time the revenue was insufficient to cover everything, the King of Ormuz was left owing a large sum of money because the shortfall was charged to him as a debt. When Viceroy D. Garcia sent to Ormuz for an account of the amounts due, it was found that at the end of 1539 the King owed three hundred and seventy-seven thousand fifty-two xerafins seven cadis forty-seven denaris. The King issued an acknowledgement of this debt, sealed with his seal, which Governor Martim Afonso found in the accounts office in Goa. Some say that the forty thousand pardaos mentioned above were added by Governor Nuno da Cunha to the tribute payable by the King of Ormuz because he had been found to be at fault in the matter of the death of Reis Hamed, who had succeeded to the Guazilship of Ormuz during the absence of Reis Sharaf when he had been taken as prisoner to Portugal, as related in the Fourth Década.
_ 45 _ This is incorrect, because in the accounts of the Factors who served in Ormuz at that time, I have found these forty thousand xerafins entered with a note that they were paid by the Guazil of Bahrain as tribute because of the revolt he led. As this Guazil was a vassal of the King of Ormuz and paid these forty thousand pardaos to him, either as tribute or as revenue, it could hardly be supposed that he paid forty thousand pardaos to the King of Portugal and as many again to the King of Ormuz. Nuno da Cunha ordered that these additional forty thousand pardaos should be charged to the King of Ormuz and that he should collect them from his Guazil, since he was his vassal; and that the money for some years which the Guazil of Bahrain had paid should be deducted from the debt owed by the King of Ormuz for tribute he was obliged to pay. This matter was very confusing because the actual documents on this were lost, and it could only be settled by the Standing Orders of the fortress of Ormuz. These ordered that the hundred thousand pardaos should be collected from the King, without any further comments save that they were tribute. Martim Afonso de Sousa found the acknowledgements of debt in the accounts, and ordered new accounts to be drawn up from 1539 to the beginning of the current year of
_ 46 _ 1543. It was found that the King owed eighteen thousand five hundred and thirty-seven gold xerafins. The sum was very large and there was no hope that it could ever be recovered, and as he did not want the debt to become increasingly large, he put the matter to the Council, to see what could be done about it. After discussion, it was decided that the King of Ormuz could not pay so much money, nor had he any means of obtaining it, as if revenues other than those of the customs house were touched he would be left without food. Since no more could be collected than what the customs brought in, he should be notified that he was to give all of that in cash to the King of Portugal, who had by right only two thirds, and that all the other debts he owed would be cancelled; and that from the revenues of the customs house he should be paid annuities for the servants of his household; also that the income from the urracas should be removed from him, but all the rest would be left for his expenses; the Secretary António Cardoso was to go to Ormuz to put these things in train. The Governor decided to go to Cochin as soon as the carracks from Portugal had arrived, and he ordered a fleet to be prepared to accompany him, for the Council had also agreed to punish the Queen of Bhatkal, who was rebellious
_ 47 _ and for many years had not paid the tribute due. While these things occupied the beginning of September, the carracks of his fleet which had been wintering in Mozambique, and three others of the four which had left last March without a commander, arrived at the bar of Goa. Their captains were Henrique de Macedo, Baltasar Jorge, Lopo Ferreira, and the fourth captain, Vicente Gil, had been wrecked off the coast of Melinde at a place where all his men had been saved. The Governor began to pay wages for his fleet and to launch ships because he wanted to leave for Cochin soon, to arrange his ships and write to Portugal. D. Estevão da Gama, who was in Panjim as we have said, without consulting the Governor, asked the Chief Treasury Officer to let him have three oared vessels belonging to His Majesty to go to Cochin. The Governor was informed, and he said that he should be given everything he needed; and this was done. He sailed without taking leave of the Governor, who was busy with his fleet and dealing with many matters, since he wanted to leave very soon. Among the things he did was to accommodate the Jesuits, who until then had been in the hospital. When he discussed with the municipal councilors about how to house them, it was agreed that they should take over the seminary that D. Estévão had established in the Carrei-
_ 48 _ ra dos Cavaleiros to collect together young orphans and newly converted Christian children, and to indoctrinate and teach them. So, they moved there and were given possessions, and they set up a church as well as the place and circumstances allowed, where they celebrated the divine offices and administered the sacraments with charity, helped by the citizens of Goa. They gradually grew both in numbers and in merit, because later, as will be told, they founded on the same site the famous college of S. Paul, which is as great as any in Europe. When everything was ready for the Governor's departure, he embarked on 15th October. But first he dispatched the Secretary, António Cardoso, to Ormuz, giving him an order to investigate Martim Afonso de Melo Zuarte, Captain of the fortress. From what I have heard from fidalgos of the time, the Governor wanted to find fault with him because they were not on friendly terms, and it is said that he secretly issued a writ to the Secretary so that if he found the Captain guilty of the complaints he carried, he was to send him to Goa as a prisoner, and he would remain there until the next appointee arrived. But the truth is that, he had received many complaints against the Captain from Ormuz, as a result of which he ordered that he should be investigated.
_ 49 _ The Governor set sail, taking the carracks from Portugal with him, and the other captains who accompanied him on this expedition were the following: D. Manuel de Lima, Pero Vaz de Siqueira, D. Martim de Sousa, Afonso Henriques, Manuel de Sousa de Sepulveda, Bernardim de Sousa, Fernão de Sousa de Távora, D. Diogo de Almeida Freire, Diogo de Mondonça, Diogo de Reinoso, Francisco de Så de Meneses 'with spectacles', Francisco Lopes de Sousa, António de Så 'the Turk', D. Duarte de Meneses, António de Soutomayor, Afonso Pereira de Lacerda, Jorge de Melo 'the Fist', Lopo Vaz de Siqueira, Diogo Pizarro de Éça, Fernão de Lima, Gaspar de Sousa, Afonso Furtado, Álvaro de Mendonça, D. Francisco de Noronha, Fernão Gomes de Sousa, son of Álvaro Fernandes de Sousa, High Chancellor of Portugal, João de Mendonça, D. João Henriques, D. João Mascarenhas, Luís Caiado, Vasco da Cunha, Luís Falcão, and many other fidalgos and gentlemen whose names are not known. He made his journey and anchored in the bay of Bhatkal with all his fleet in company. What happened when the Secretary went to Ormuz and how the King yielded the customs house of the island, and other matters. The wise António Cardoso left Goa for the fortress of Ormuz in February, and even before he landed there,
_ 50 _ Martim Afonso knew the reason for his coming, and he at once gave orders for him to be received and invited to be his guest. The Secretary thought this was a sign of mistrust and disembarked at once, and he was made very welcome by Martim Afonso. After this reception, the first thing he undertook was to conduct the investigation as the Governor had ordered, which he did with confidence. The information he found was very different from that which the Governor had received, because no one made any complaint but, on the contrary, many good things were said of him, because he was a virtuous fidalgo, kind and little inclined to greed. When the Secretary had written his report, he sent it to the Governor in a ship that was ready to sail, and told him that Martim Afonso de Melo was a gentleman who deserved great honours and rewards. The Governor wrote a letter of excuse to Martim Afonso himself in which he said he was delighted that all that had been said against him was false, and that he had expected no less of so honourable a fidalgo, asking him to send the Secretary to winter in Goa while he should remain as Chief Treasury Officer. It is said that Martim Afonso de Melo replied with some heat because he knew very well that the Governor would have been glad to find fault with him, and he said at one point in it that this might be a matter
_ 51 _ between two Martinhos, but that if he considered himself a monkey [bogio], he was the ape [mono]. Others say that he wrote this to him from Cochin when he was about to sail for Portugal the following year, 1544. To return to the Secretary, he began to deal with the matters concerning the King, having interviews with him in the presence of the Captain and the Guazil. He proposed that he should cede to the King of Portugal the entire revenue of the customs house as that was the best way to discharge his obligations and free himself of debt and in order to avoid being engulfed in further debts which he could not pay and had no means of paying; and that the King of Portugal would take into account his expenses and costs, because the Governor did not mean to despoil him of everything. He said enough on these lines for the King to concede all he asked, saying that he was a vassal of the King of Portugal to whom everything belonged, since he possessed that kingdom as his gift which he could take it from him whenever he wished. He reminded him he had nothing else with which to pay mocarrias to the neighbouring kings, and pensions and quarters allowances, and the fidalgos and servants of his household.
_ 52 _ The Secretary, who had wide powers in this matter, agreed with him the following terms; that he would consign the revenues of the customs house of that island in cash to the King of Portugal, who would discharge him of all past debts and would grant him the following annually: forty lacks, which amount to one thousand eight hundred gold xerafins, for his wardrobe, and two hundred and fifty lacks, which is nine thousand thirty-six gold pardaos, to pay the mocarrias, which would be handed on to the Guazil, who was to be superintendent of the customs house, for him to distribute; and in addition he would be given all the pensions and living expenses he paid his servants, which came to over two thousand pardaos; that the Moorish officers employed in the customs house would continue with their duties, and would be appointed freely by the Kings of Ormuz. These was all written down, and the documents signed by them all and entered in the registers of the factory of the fortress together with the standing orders for the customs house. In addition, King Salgar Shah, issued a firman by which he granted the customs house to the Kings of Portugal, which is inserted here as worthy of note. The unique firman which I command is to be obeyed by everyone from west to east. Know that it is my will and
_ 53 _ decision that because of the great friendship, agreement and obligation that exists between myself and my Lord, whose greatness reaches to the heavens and whose power extends over the whole earth, whose state equals that of the King of China, victor in all human wars, great king of justice, greater than all the kings in the world, key to the treasure of the earth, which is virtue and nobility, exemplar of the art of ruling, purified by all the seas of the kingdom, builder of the inhabited cities, casket which contains the beautiful and precious emerald, lofty bulwark and defender of all, sun of justice and truth, clear spring which sustains the purity of the earth whether peopled or desert, hope in the one God and trusting in Him, the high emperor Dom João, whom God preserve in his kingdom tranquil and in peace, and may his wealth ever remedy the poverty of the world. Through my good fortune, I have won his protection and am embraced in his shadow, to reap my cherished fruit watered with the water of his grace. I am sure that the beneficence of my Lord the high King of Portugal is with me and has established me in great hope. For all these reasons, I understand that I am obliged to comply with his interests and to place at his service my kingdom and my treasury and all else; to have the noble
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