TALE OF A CITY 2
3 TALE OF A CITY Part II
TALE OF A CITY 4
5 Sultan bin Mohammed al-Qasimi TALE OF A CITY Part II Translated by Dr. Ahmed Ali Edited by Dr. David Wilmsen
TALE OF A CITY 6 First published in Sharjah 2017 First published in 2017 in Arabic as “Sirat madina” by Al Qasimi Publications. Copyright © 2018 by Sultan bin Mohammed al-Qasimi The moral right of the author has been asserted. No part of this book may be used or reproduced in any manner whatsoever Without written permission from the Publisher except in the case of brief quotations embodied in critical articles or reviews. All images reproduced in this book are from the author’s private collection _____________________________________________________________ Al Qasimi Publications Dr. Sultan al Qasimi P.O.Box: 43344 Sharjah, United Arab Emirates Tel.: 00971 6 5589549 Fax: 00971 6 5589056 Email: alqasimi.publs@gmail.com _____________________________________________________________ Printing Permission: National Media Council, Abu Dhabi, LAE, No. MC 03-01-7600454, Date: 15-03-2018. Printing: Digital World Printing Press- Sharjah, UAE Age Classification : E ISBN: 978-9948-24-352-6
7 Table of Contents Preface 09 1 The Building of Sharjah Air Station 13 2 Minerals and Oil in Sharjah 33 3 Smallpox in Sharjah 45 4 Sharjah and Palestine 55 5 Letter of Assurance 67 6 Sharjah and World War II 77 7 A War Time Military Base in Sharjah 95 8 Americans in Sharjah 107 9 From A Civil Air Station to a Military Base 121 10 The Punishment of The City 133 11 The Songs of the City 145 Index of Names 165
TALE OF A CITY 8
9 Preface Under the rule of Sheikh Sultan bin Saqr bin Rashid al-Qasimi, the Qawasim tribe in Sharjah reached the peak of its power and territorial expansion. Their territories stretched from the village of al-Mamzar eastwards to Khatm Malaha, and, to the north, all the way to the islands of Tunb, Abu Musa, Sari, Abu Nu’eir and Lengeh (on the Persian coast). The capital of the land under Sheikh Sultan’s rule was Ras al-Khaimah. In 1809, just before Sheikh Sultan managed to escape from his imprisonment in Dir’iyyah, Ras al-Khaimah fell into the hands of Sheikh Hasan bin Rahmah. Stripped of his territories and finding the British forces bombarding his capital, Sheikh Sultan headed for Lengeh on the Persian coast. Four years later, he managed to recoup Sharjah and made it his capital. The conflict between Hasan bin Rahmah, ruler of Ras al-Khaimah, and the British lasted for ten years, and ended with the British forces ferociously shelling the Qawasim bases, thereafter occupying the entire Arabian coast and forcing what the British imperialists euphemistically deemed to be a peace treaty, but which was no more than a complete surrender to British occupation. In October 1821, Ras al-Khaimah was handed back to Sheikh Sultan bin Saqr who annexed it to Sharjah. Sheikh Sultan then appointed his son, Sheikh Ibrahim bin Sultan, to be the vice regent of Ras al-Khaimah. He also ordered his brother, Sheikh Saleh bin Saqr, to build the Sharjah Fort to serve as the headquarters of the government. For the next fortyfive years, Sharjah witnessed historical events of the greatest significance, among which were coups and anti-British, counter-imperialist activities which have been explicated in my book Under the Flag of Occupation. When the head of the Qawasim tribe, Sheikh Sultan bin Saqr al-Qasimi,
TALE OF A CITY 10 passed away in April 1866, his two sons, Khalid and Ibrahim, having been their father’s vice-regents, divided the rule of themain territories of Sharjah and Ras al-Khaimah between them. Sharjah was once more witness to coups and activities to thwart British imperialism for many decades. Due to the time constraint of having to finish the work and have the first part of the book published before the opening of Sharjah International Book Fair 2016, I limited the contents of the first part of the book to just six chapters covering events up to 1932. The present volume, Tale of a City Part 2, extends the coverage of Part 1 and gives a detailed account of some of the important events that had significant impact on Sharjah and the region during the period 19321951. The book, which has been presented at the Sharjah International Book Fair 2017, also describes the mistreatment that the Sharjah rulers and its population had suffered from at the hands of the British during the same period. Did the engrossing events of Sharjah’s history stop there? Far from it. A lot More of the story of Sharjah can be found in my earlier publication titled My Early Life. PRE ACE
11
TALE OF A CITY 12
13 Chapter One The Building of Sharjah Air Station
TALE OF A CITY 14
15 After the signing of Sharjah Air Station Agreement on 22 July 1932, it materialized that an amount of R.s 10,000 required for the start of the building had been sent as an advance payment to the Sharjah Residency Agent, Eissa bin Abdullatif, on 11 July 1832 in order for him to forward it in installments to Sheikh Sultan bin Saqr al-Qasimi, Ruler of Sharjah. As the construction work began, many rumors spread throughout Sharjah that Eissa bin Abdullatif was using the funds for his own benefit. When the Political Agent in Kuwait, H. Dickson, who signed Sharjah Air Station Agreement was asked about this, he responded in a 1 letter dated 4 August 1932, to the Foreign Secretary in the British India Government, mentioning, among other things, the following points:2 1. The power and influence of the Residency Agent, Eissa bin Abdullatif, on the Coast was immense 2. Eissa bin Abdullatif was not given sufficient salary for the work he was doing for the Air Station project 3. In his heart, Eissa bin Abdullatif liked Sheikh Sultan, and believed that it boded no good for himself and that in course of time he would be replaced by a British Officer; 4. The Residency Agent was a strong and likeableman who was whole1 India Office Records (I.O.R.), Letters, Political and Secret (L.P.&S) /12/1966, NO.171/587, P.Z.5585/1932. 2 Ibid., L.P.&S/12/3626, P.Z.5015/1932
TALE OF A CITY 16 heartedly on the side of the British, his influence for good along the whole coast would always be invaluable, and that the British needed have no fear of any future trouble whatsoever. As for Sheikh Sultan bin Saqr al-Qasimi, he had already been making arrangements to start the required building of Sharjah Air Station even before the Agreement with the British was signed. On 26 July 1932, the Sheikh gathered 20 boats loaded with rocks from the Island of Tunb. He also had another 13 boats at Tunb island being loaded with more rocks. The British, on the other hand, had made arrangements for the arrival of Lieutenant Mackay at Sharjah on 12 August 1932 for a 3-week stay. The British warships were also to make regular visits during the two months of July and August, as per the Agreement. The British additionally agreed to provide Sheikh Sultan bin Saqr with forty rifles, leaving another three rifles as reserve, together with two hundred bullets. These were to arm the Station guards whom Sheikh Sultan had appointed for this purpose. The British also decided to have a wireless Telegraph Station in Sharjah. However, as they were worried that Sheikh Sultan many object, owing to the fact that such a station was not part of the Agreement, they decided to tell him that it belonged to Imperial Airways. 3 On the eve of 29 August 1932, HMS Bideford arrived at Sharjah from Bushehr. On board was the Political Resident in the Gulf, Lieutenant Colonel Trenchard Fowele, accompanied by Captain Denison who had participated in the negotiations resulting in the signing of the Air Station Agreement. While on board, Captain Denison gave the Political Resident some information about the some of the figures of Sharjah. In the Morning of 30 August, Captain Mackay who was in Sharjah met the Political Resident and informed him that the Residency Agent, bin Abdullatif, who was acting on behalf of Sheikh Sultan in the issue of construction Sharjah Air Station, had not been using the funds in the best way; rather, he was using most of it for his own benefit, and had been more of an obstruction than an aid in situations such as the payment of the wages to the coolies. 3 Ibid., L.P.&S/12/1966, No.171/587, P.Z,5297/1932, P.Z.4979/1932.
17 As a result, the Political Resident talked to Eissa Abdullatif and informed him of the complaints made by Captain Mackay. Afterwards, the Political Resident in the Gulf started official communications with Sheikh Sultan, Ruler of Sharjah. With regards to the funds the Sheikh was to use for the construction of the Station, the Political Resident decided that the remaining funds with Eissa Abdullatif were to be taken from him and paid through Captain Mackay to Sheikh Sultan bin Saqr directly. The Shikh, in turn, would receive the relevant bills of all the expenses already made. Additionally, the Political Resident paid Sheikh Sultan bin Saqr 5,000 Rupees to keep. Arrangements were also made to the effect that Mr Humaid bin Kamil who was both the Sheikh representative and assistant to Captain Mackay would withdraw funds from the Sheikh as need be. No money would be paid to any other person. Both Captain Mackay and Humaid bin Kamil would have to prepare their weekly expenses accounts and present them to the Sheikh to check how much he had left to cover. At the end of the meeting between the Political Resident and Sheikh Sultan, the former paid the latter 1,000 Rupees as a special grant for the months of July and August. The Sheikh was shown the Station plans which incorporated what was described as being a fortress with high walls. All the company’s offices and possessions were located inside the fortress which was surrounded by a fence. The planes were kept within a secure enclosure while in Sharjah. The issue of the security of the Station was also discussed. Everyone was waiting for the arrival of the equipment which, it had been said, was on its way to Sharjah.4 Sheikh Sultan bin Saqr and the people of Sharjah were expecting the arrival of the RMS Bandra from the Sha’biyya port in Kuwait on Thursday, 22 September 1932. That day, Sheikh Sultan had prepared a sufficient number of men and boats ready for work since the early hours of the day. They were all waiting for the ship loaded with the equipment, the Imperial 4 Ibid., L.P&S/12/1965,P.Z5585/1932, L.P.&S/12/1966, P.Z.5765/65/1932. THE BUILDING OF SHARJAH AIR STATION
TALE OF A CITY 18 Airways tents, the rifles and ammunition for the guards. They, however, were obliged to return empty-handed after spending the whole day at sea. This was owing to the fact that the Bandra was delayed for 24 hours as a result of a violent north-western wind. As the Bandra had not arrived by sunset, the Sheikh had withdrawn his boats to the Creek and had dismissed the workers. It was high tide at 10:00 PM. The RMS Bandra arrived at Dubai 2:15 PM on Friday 23 September 1932, and docked a mile and third from the shore at 4.00 PM, quickly unloading the small shipment belonging to Sharjah there. Then, at 9.00 PM, the Bandra left Dubai heading for Hengam. The Dubai workers loaded the shipment on Dubai boats and transported it to Sharjah. At the time, the work on the Station had stopped because there was no more cement available in the region and it was not clear when it may arrive. Also, the electricity generator used for the Sharjah Station had broken down. The English engineers, however, had a small generator which was working efficiently. A new generator was expected to arrive, it was said, on 29 September 1932. In the afternoon of 5 October 1932, at 4:00 PM, the first Imperial Airways flight arrived fromGwadar. It was the Hanno, aBritish-made aircraft, carrying four passengers, and loaded to full capacity with equipment and spare parts. Its arrival caused some excitement in the people of Sharjah, who had been waiting for its arrival with Sheikh Sultan bin Saqr. After a safe landing, the plane was towed into the hangar surrounded by barbed wires. Sheikh Sultan bin Saqr Al Qasimi proceeded together with the rest of the dignitaries of Sharjah and a crowd of residents to see the aircraft and admire it. The passengers were housed in the tents, which were equipped with all means of comfort and suitable furniture and fittings. The Hanno resumed its flight on 6 October 1932, and landed in Manamah, Bahrain. On 7 October 1932, the Hannibal arrived from Bahrain to Sharjah. The Sheikh’s guards assigned to the station consisted of 37 men armed with service rifles. The HMS Triad had been docking opposite Sharjah, and present at all the air flights and landings from Sharjah was its General Naval Commander.
19 This senior navy officer paid a visit to Sheikh Sultan bin Saqr in the Sharjah Fort. After the official ceremonies and reception in the Fort’s upper floor, everyone made their way to the front court of the Fort where a special horse show was conducted. It was indeed a poor show owing to the condition of the horses. However, the Sheikh himself mounted a horse and put on a show, in which he demonstrated what a top-class horseman he was. The Guarding of the Station and the aircrafts were entrusted to Sheikh Muhammad bin Saqr, the Ruler’s brother. This had a great significance. The telegraph station in Sharjah founded by the British Air Ministry had been efficiently working from Sharjah Air Station using LW 900 and SW 45, and providing air services. The establishment of the telegraph service in Sharjah under the umbrella of a permanent operating British company meant that necessary ingoing and outgoing communications would be handled in Sharjah.5 Work on the construction of Sharjah Air Station was not progressing satisfactorily unless CaptainMackay was there. However, his visits to Sharjah were not regular. He, nevertheless, wrote a detailed report regarding Eissa Abdullatif, Sheikh Sultan bin Saqr al-Qasimi and the Sharjah notables in addition to the work progress on the Sharjah Station. He stated: “MEMORANDUM OF THE BEHAVIOR OF SHARJAH NOTABILITES DURING THE EARLY MONTHS OF THE CONSTRUCTION OF THE REST HOUSE - WRITTEN BY CAPTAIN K. MACKAY, R.E., SUPERVISING ENGINEER.” 1. The following statement is based mainly on the diary kept by NATHA SINGH, a Jat Sikh, specially employed by Works and Buildings Department as Supervisor on the construction, and from my memory of the various events, my conversations with non-English-speaking natives have always been conducted through Interpreters. These have been NATHA SINGH, DAVID, my Assyrian Bearer, and HUSSAIN, who is the Interpreter of K.B. ISSA, the Residency Agent. I have, however at times used various Indians resident on the Coast 2. I have endeavored throughout, to record the more important interviews and 5 Ibid., L.P.&S/12/1965, P.Z.903/1933, L.P.&S/12/4116, 8823/AF/VAS, L.P.&S/12/1966, Sharjah Defense Scheme. THE BUILDING OF SHARJAH AIR STATION
TALE OF A CITY 20 statements that have been made and to give dates to them, In addition, I have had many Conversations with natives of all classes and races, which have undoubtedly influenced my opinions by acting as corroborative evidences of the truth of statements recorded. 3. To understand better various difficulties I experienced in the very early stages, it should be realised that, I was the first European, within living memory, to take up a more or less, permanent residence on the Trucial Coast, and that the Rest House construction was the first foothold made on the Coast by any European Government for some centuries. I Was, therefore, on my arrival regarded by the population at large with suspicion mingled with fascinated interest. 4. On 10th August, l932, Natha Singh with defense and other stores arrived at SHARJAH by the Slow Mail. A delay of about 8 hours ensued before the stores were unloaded into Dhows for transshipment to the shore. The cause of the delay as subsequently ascertained from the B.I.S.N. Co’s Agent at DEBAI, an Indian called METHA, was because Abdulrahman, cousin of ISSA, wished to use his private Dhows for the work to the exclusion of the Dhows usually hired by the B. I. Agent. 5. On the11th August, Natha Singh accompanied by Hussain called upon Shaikh Sultan of Sharjah .All the Sheikh’s brothers were present, and discussion took place anent the Rest House. In reply to enquiries, HUSSAIN stated that it would be useless to commence serious work until the pearl fleet returned and that such coolie labour as was available in SHARJAR would cost Rs.1/- per diem and proportionately higher for tradesmen, a Mason, for instance, would cost Rs. 5/- or more per diem. Later in the day, Natha Singh inspected the stone which had been collected and found only a small quantity of inferior quality. On the 12th August, the Shaikh and his brothers went to see Natha Singh early in the morning and talked about the work to be done. They were asked what arrangements had been made about the supply of materials generally and what quantities the Shaikh’s HeadMason had told himwould be required after the former had gone over the plan left with him by the Chief Engineer on his previous visit. The Shaikh replied that he had no Mason, had seen no plan, and had ordered no materials: he had been told by ISSA that he ( ISSA) would arrange everything. While this talk was in progress, I arrived by Flying Boat and proceeded to The spelling “Shaikh” is used interchangeably with the spelling “Sheikh”.
21 ISSA’s house. where I met the Shaikh, Natha Singh, Issa and others. I received a short report from Natha Singh and requested the Shaikh and Issa to provide labour as soon as possible. I inspected the aerodrome, marked out the Rest House site and inspected the stone. I found that stone was being conveyed to the site by the Ford Bus (converted to a lorry), which I had been informed by Issa during the Agreement negotiations could not be used on the Rest House construction, since it belonged to a syndicate in which Shaikh Sultan was the principal shareholder, and since the Shaikh was really passively opposed to the construction of the Rest House, he would not allow of its use by me. I, therefore questioned Issa and Hussain about this and was told that the had disposed of his interest to the rest of the Syndicates, who had been given a contract to carry all stone and stores required in the Rest House construction. Issa further gave me to understand that it was with great difficulty that he had got the Shaikh to sign the contract and so provide the transport which was so essential to the work. I left the same day by Flying Boat for Ras al-Khaimah in connection with an estimate for a Petrol Store and did not return till the evening of the 14th. 6. Meanwhile, on the l3th, Issa sent one Tindal, a relative of his (Rs.2/8/- p.d.) and 4. coolies (Rs.1/- p. d) to Natha Singh. With these, the marking out of the Rest House, Defence Post, and wire entanglements was begun. Both Issa and the Shaikh when visiting the site were asked by Natha Singh to provide more labour. Natha Singh had, by this time, formed the opinion that all was not well, since several Indian merchants, who had visited him, had told him that there was plenty of labour in the town at Annas * 4 to Annas, 8 p.d. depending on the nature of the work, and further that Issa could supply labour if he wanted, since the real master of the town was not Shaikh Sultan but Issa. 7. When I returned, Natha Singh reported to me on the l5th what had happened. I decided that there must be some political reason for the apparent inability of Issa to get the Shaikh to provide labour, so, not wishing to interfere in such a matter, I explained to Issa on the 16th the urgency of the work and requested that labour be obtained forthwith. Hussain explained that the Shaikh, was not willing to pay a coolie rate of Rs.1/- p.d. and coolies would not work for less. On the 17th, some 10 or 12 extra men turned up for work. The Tindal * An Anna is equal to 1/16 of a Rupee. The name Issa, used in the letters of the British, is a different spelling of the name Eissa. THE BUILDING OF SHARJAH AIR STATION
TALE OF A CITY 22 informed me that they had been sent by the Shaikh to work at As.12 p.d. . After about 2 hours, these men struck, saying they would not work for less than Rs.1/- p.d. I ascertained from one of the coolies that they had been sent by Hussain and not by the Shaikh. On the 18th I realised that something must be done, and that if Issa could not help me, I must help myself, so I went to the Shaikh with Natha Singh and explained the urgency to him and requested his help. He at once sent 24 men who were put to work. On the 19th I enquired from the Tindal at what rate the new men were to be paid by the Shaikh, since, at this time, I assumed that all payment would be made by the Shaikh and I had merely to approve as «fair and reasonable». I was told Rs.1/- p. d. 8. That evening the Shiakh came to the site to see the work and I told him that I knew the bazaar rate was below Annas 8, and that I could not approve such gross over-payments. He replied that he did not know what the coolies were being paid, Issa was arranging all that, a rate of Rs. 1/- p.d. was far too high and would I get Issa to reduce the rate, as he (the Shaikh) would have to pay whatever Issa said. I therefore, saw Issa that night and told him I would not sanction any advance to the Shaik if the coolies rate was not reduced to Annas 12 p.d. He replied it would be impossible to get men on such a rate, that he would not be responsible if the work suffered in consequence and reiterated that labour would not be satisfactory until after the pearling fleet returned. I then asked about the sum of Rs 10,000/- 1eft with Issa to be advanced to the Shaikh on my recommendation. I was told that over Rs. 6,000/- had been spent by Issa on the work and none advanced to the Shaikh. I at once requested details and an explanation of the payments had been made without my knowledge. Issa told me that he had spent the money so as to facilitate the work by buying materials and that he would produce an account. 9. It was now clear to ne that - i. the Shaikh had no control over, or knowledge of the funds which the Government were entrusting to Issa to advance to him on my recommendation; ii. Issa had spent sums from these advances without authority iii. Issa was forcing up the price of labour. The reason for the latter soon transpired. Indian merchants told Natha Singh and an Arab merchant told me that Issa wished to delay the work
23 until the pearling fleet returned, so that he could send to the works his pearl divers. These men he would, in the ordinary course of events, have to feed throughout the winter; if, however, they were employed on the Rest House, he could draw Rs.1\- p.d. for each of them, which, when he had paid for their food, would leave him with the handsome profit of about Annas 12 per man per day. 10. On the 20th I saw the Shaikh and told him that Issa had spent a lot of money on his behalf and asked him what he knew about it .He said he did, as Issa advised him and that he had signed receipts for advances, although he had no idea how the money had been spent . I explained to him the meaning of the Agreement, and he asked me to get the Political Resident to come to Sharjah, so that he could talk with him. He said he wanted to talk to the Political Resident alone and not with Issa present. The same evening about 8 o’clock while I was in my house dressing to go on board Bideford for dinner, Issa paid up all the labour outside his house, and one of his servants informed the men that Issa ordered them not to work in future for the Shaikh or myself. If anyone asked them why, they were to answer that they would not work for less than Rs.1/p.d. The whole of this scene was witnessed by my bearer who speaks Persian, who, not realising the significance of it, did not tell me till the following day when he heard from me that no men had turned up for work. 11. No men at all turned up on 21st, although many of the men stopped Natha Singh in the Bazaar and elsewhere and told him they would willingly work for Annas 12 p.d., but were afraid of Issa. Together with Natha Singh I went to the Shaikh and asked him if he had authorised the payment. He said that he had given no authority and that he would see me and Issa at the latter’s house in an hour’s time. I, therefore, went to Issa and asked him why he had made this payment. He stated that the men had came to him and asked to be paid off, since they would not work for Annas 12, and as there was other work at higher rates available, they wanted to be free at once so as to get this better work. (It is a significant fact that, during this day, the majority of the men, who had been working, were sitting idle in the bazaar.) I then asked him why he did not inform me when …. (incomplete text).” 6 6 Ibid., L.P.&S/12/1965, P.Z.975/1932. THE BUILDING OF SHARJAH AIR STATION
TALE OF A CITY 24 Reading the report, the General Commander of the British forces in the Gulf instructed the Political Agent in Bahrain, Lt-Col. Percy Gordon Loch, to go to Sharjah on 14 December 1932 to check on the situation in Sharjah. The following day 15 December 1932, he instructed that all necessary arrangements be made to straighten out the matters relating to the construction of the Sharjah Station. Earlier on 14 December 1932, Mr Welsh, Commander of the military group, had arrived from Bahrain on board of an amphibious vehicle which had landed in the Sharjah creek. As Lt-Col. Loch arrived, both Eissa Abdullatif and Welsh were to receive him, and he was taken to the house of the former. A few minutes later, Sheikh Sultan bin Saqr al-Qasimi arrived at Eissa’s house to meet Lt-Col. Loch. After a short exchange of compliments, Sheikh Sultan accompanied Loch to the Sharjah Fort. Together with their entourage, they went on foot across the Saqr Suq from its northern gate to the southern gate, then to the Sharjah Fort. Afterwards, they headed for the Sharjah Station construction site where they had lunch and walked about inspecting the site. On the eve of 14 December 1932, Sheikh Sultan bin Saqr sent a short message to Mr Loch requesting to meet him. Mr Humaid bin Kamil was also present at that meeting. During the meeting Sheikh Sultan seemed pleased with the work done so far, but also requested to see the detailed work reports, especially that he was putting a lot of money, and he was unaware how it had been spent. He also said that a great deal of money had been wasted in the past to no avail. Loch said it was too late in the evening to do so but he would request from Natha Singh, supervisor of the construction, to show him the accounts, sinceCaptainMackay was away inBasra receivingmedical treatment. After checking all the accounts and related details himself, Mr Loch returned to Bahrain by his amphibious vehicle on 15 December 1932. 7 At 11.00 A.M. on 15 December 1932, HMS Hawkins, arrived at Sharjah. On board was the General Commander of the British forces together with a sizeable number of British navy officers in the Gulf. 7 Ibid., L.P.&S/12/1965,No.C/235/1932.
25 At noon, Sheikh Sultan bin Saqr boarded the ship accompanied by at least twenty of his relatives in order to visit the General Commander. Sheikh Sultan was a short, strappingly built and inclined to be reserved at first, a demeanour he soon replaced with an autocratic bearing. In the evening, the General Commander, the senior navy officers came to the shore to inspect the progress made in the construction of the Sharjah Station. They also discussed the issue of appointing someone to assist Captain Mackay especially when he was away from Sharjah. Officer Finch, of the British Royal Air Force, was eventually selected for this job.8 In early Summer 1932, the construction of the Sharjah Station was complete. Two watch towers had also been added for defense purposes, and they were supplied with cannon, ammunitions and a crew to operate the cannon. As for the issue of storing the fuel for Imperial Airways, this was also settled. Initially, the fuel was stored in town, which was undesirable. An agreement with Sheikh Sultan bin Saqr al-Qasimi, Ruler of Sharjah, was then reached to the effect that the Anglo Persian Oil Company (APOC) would build its own fuel depot at the Al-Jubail side of Sharjah Creek, near the wreckage of the sunken ship Al-Doba. The company was to pay no rent for twelve years, after which it would pay a monthly rent of 200 Rupees to Sheikh Sultan as the owner of the depot. The capacity of the depot was 40,000 gallons, the average fuel consumption of Imperial Airways in Sharjah being 4,000 gallons a month. The Sharjah Post Office was also approved to open in the Sharjah Station, and be under the authority of the Supervisor of Imperial Airways in the Station. However, the Supervisor refused to work for 30 Rupees a month. Additionally, his managing director at Imperial Airways also refused that his employee might take on any extra work outside his area of expertise. Around this time, a meteorological centre was also opened together with the Sharjah Station. However, the building of the residential area for the Indian employees was conducted at a later stage. The building consisted 8 Ibid., L.P.&S/12/1966, P.Z.1815/1933. THE BUILDING OF SHARJAH AIR STATION
TALE OF A CITY 26 of five rooms near the airport rest house and was considered part of it. Its ownership was to remain Shaikh Sultan’s even if Sharjah Air Station was ever to be abandoned.9 On 14 June 1932, the Hanno arrived from Britain on its was to India. On board was Lady Willingdon, wife of Lord Willingdon, Viceroy of India (1931-1936). The Political Residency Agent had informed Sheikh Sultan bin Saqr al-Qasimi of her arrival and the Sheikh had expressed his desire to meet her. Sheikh Sultan received Lady Willingdon at the steps of the aircraft and accompanied her together with the Political Agent to the airport building where Sheikh Sultan invited her to the Sharjah Fort, which she accepted. Upon their arrival to the Fort, five ceremonial salutes were fired for her by the Sheikh’s cannon. Sheikh Sultan thenpresentedher with some pearls and an Indian-made gold anklet set with a diamond. She was highly delighted by the gifts. After having some coffee, she left with Sheikh Sultan to the front court of the Fort to attend a horse race held in her honour. After these ceremonies, Lady Willingdon visited the Sharjah Political Residency where she was met with great hospitality and respect. Then, she left accompanied by the Political Agent to Sharjah Air Station where she spent the night. In the morning of 15 June 1933, both Sheikh Sultan bin Saqr and the Political Agent, Eissa Abdullatif headed for the station to bid Lady Willingdon farewell, but she had already left before their arrival.10 After Sharjah Air Station became fully operational, Sharjah increased in importance, as it became the gate to all the other emirates. Most delegates coming to Sharjah or any other emirate came through Sharjah. Sheikh Sultan bin Saqr al-Qasimi also became very important for the English, and they promised him full support. The Foreign Secretary of the British India Government wrote on 26 June 1933 a letter to the British Deputy Secretary 9 Ibid., L.P.&S/12/1966, P.Z.4456/1933, P.Z.7396/1933, L.P.&S/12/4120, P.Z.4621/1933, P.Z. 7715/1933, P.Z.1003/1935, L.P.&S/12/1986, P.Z.7784/1934, L.P.&S/12/3789, P.Z.255/1935. 10 Ibid., L.P.&S/12/4116,P.Z.3926/1933.
27 of India Affairs in London, in which he said that owing to the fact that Sharjah had become the airport of the Trucial Coast, its Sheikh should be the ruler the British would give most support to.11 Four months later, the English changed the way they treated Sheikh Sultan bin Saqr. They went from support to taking punitive measures. On the eve of 3 November 1933, the Royal British Ship arrived at Sharjah. It had been scheduled for arrival the previous day. However, the Supreme Commander of the British forces had to change the date for the return of Sheikh Sultan bin Saqr from Bahrain. Sheikh Sultan had already been informed of the visit. The English also had confirmed the same in an official request presented to Sheikh Sultan, that he was to receive the General Commander of the British Forces in India personally, as this was his first visit to the Gulf. In spite of this, Sheikh Sultan had left for Bahrain and made excuses that he was unable to return to Sharjah on time. He did return though, but this was late. The Political Agent in Sharjah, Mr Eissa bin Abdullatif, advised him to apologize for that action, which he did. On 4 November, the Supreme Commander visited the airport and runway, and after visiting Officer Finch, Mackay’s assistant, in the rest house, the latter accompanied him in his tour. No visit was made to Sheikh Sultan bin Saqr whose importance had been on the increase. Consequently, Sheikh Sultan went to visit the Royal ship. He was very polite in his exchange with the English, but the usual salutary gun shots were not fired for him. Also, the Commander himself did not reciprocate the visit. Shortly after, the English decided to cancel the firing of those shots whenever Sheikh Sultan was to visit any British military ship. This decision was conveyed to Sheikh Sultan by Eissa bin Abdullatif. Sheikh Sultan said that he was afraid that suchnewsmight spread throughout the coast. The news had already been spread among all those concerned with the relations between the English and the Trucial Coast Sheikhs. The situation was closely monitored especially the ways Sheikh Sultan was using in its dealings with the English.12 11 Ibid., L.P.&S/12/1965, P.Z.116−1934, 3710, P.Z.587−340. 12 Ibid., L.P.&S/12/4120, P.Z.7715/1933. THE BUILDING OF SHARJAH AIR STATION
TALE OF A CITY 28 As for the Sharjah Post Office mentioned earlier, the British India Government was informed in early summer 1933 to employ a suitable postmaster for the Sharjah office in return for a 30-Rupee salary a month. If this were to fail, then it would be very difficult to make arrangements to have a Post Office on Sharjah.13 A year later, in summer 1934, this suitable person was a clerk in the Mesopotamia Persia Corporation Limited in Dubai and Sharjah. The company approved one of its employees to be the Post Master of the Sharjah post Office. However, a suitable housing had not been found at the time. A few weeks later, Imperial Airways Director wrote to the Secretary’s Office, and to the General Post Office, London, saying: “We here, however, would prefer that a Post Office were established for the handling of Air Mail traffic rather than that mail be accepted at Sharjah as Freight. I suggest you therefore, reply to the Indian Posts and Telegraphs, recommending that a small Post Office be opened under the control of our Station Superintendent and that an Indian clerk be posted to run it. I think you could tell the Indian Posts and Telegraphs that if they provided a clerk our Station Superintendent would take on the responsibility of supervision (for the initial stages at any rate) for only a nominal remuneration.” 14 Owing to the delay for various reasons in opening Sharjah Post Office, CaptainR.N., SeniorNaval Officer in the PersianGulf, wrote the following letter dated 23rd October, l934 to the General Post Office, London, on behalf of 450 officers and men serving in the Gulf. The letter stated: “Dear Sir, I hope you will not mind if I encroach on your time in order to represent a matter which greatly affects the Naval personnel serving in the Persian Gulf. This station is notably the worst from the point of view of climate and general facilities. Consequently, mails are a very important item in our lives. Under existing air mail 13 Ibid., L.P.&S/12/4120, P.Z.5893/1934, P.Z.4875/1934. 14 L.P.&S/12/4120, P.Z.4875/1934.
29 arrangements we have to despatch our homeward bound letters via either Bahrein or Basrah; all our outcoming letters are delivered at Basrah for subsequent transmission by sea. This, you will readily see, entails a considerable delay. Our ships spend the greater part of their time in the Southern Section of the PersianGulf, and frequently visit Shargah, and if it were possible to despatch and receive air mails at Shargah a great saving of time could be effected. This is at present impossible, as there is no post office at Shargah. The technicalities of mail arrangements between Imperial Airways and the General Post Office are, of course, unknown to me, and I am therefore unable to put forward any constructive remarks for overcoming the difficulty, but it will be most highly appreciated by the 450 officers and men serving out here under very trying conditions if some means can be devised which will enable them to receive and despatch their air mails via Shargah . Perhaps some similar arrangements could be made as in the case of our ordinary sea route mails, which are posted on board H.M. Ships and placed in sealed bags addressed to the Postmaster General, London, using English stamps. There is a Post Office at Debai - the next state to Shargah - but though ordinary letters can be posted there they will not accept air mails. Under the existing conditions it, not infrequently, happens that one of our ships has to steam hundreds of miles (e. g. to Bahrein) when it is necessary to despatch urgent official letters by air. I am sure you will readily see what a great difference it would make to be able to receive and despatch air letters at Shargah. All H.M. Ships concernedwere on this stationwhile the air route was being established, and were, and are, instrumental in making its development possible fromthe standpoint of security.” 15 In January 1935, the Foreign Secretary in the British India Office wrote to the Deputy Foreign Secretary in London informing him of the issue of a post office in Sharjah and that the British India Office had considered all the points. However, when Olaf Caroe, Deputy Secretary to the Government of India, inquired from Lieutenant Colonel Fowele, the Political Resident in the Gulf, about the post office for Sharjah, he received the following 15 Ibid., L.P.&S/12/4120, P.Z.4875/1934. THE BUILDING OF SHARJAH AIR STATION
TALE OF A CITY 30 response dated 13 July 1935: “I have not lost sight of the question of the Post Office for Sharjah, but the question has been held up by the following circumstances:- The main problem has been to find a Suitable house, providing an office room and accommodation for the postmaster, keeping in mind the necessity for security in a place like Sharjah. two plans were in my mind:- a. To site the Post Office in the Imperial Airways Rest House on the Aerodrome. b. To find a house close to the Residency Agent’s in the Town, This would give a safe site for the Post Office but there is no accommodation available in the Rest House either for the Post Office itself or for quarters for the Postmaster. These would have to be built and I do not see where the money would come from. The Rest House, too, is 3 miles from the town. The Shaikh has offered a rent free house On the Customs pier. This house is well sited for a Post Office, but as it is some little distance from the Residency Agent’s, it is not too well protected. Further, there are 2 provisos to the grant of the house: …” 16 The two provisions were: a. A reasonable rent be paid when the post office started to generate profits; and b. Delivery of the letters from the airport to the post office and their distribution be the monopoly of Sheikh Sultan using one of his own cars or a boat belonging to him. The Political Resident in the Gulf also said that he instructed “Cole”** who had lately visited Sharjah to inquire of the Sheikh if he intended to give a limited guarantee in addition to providing security for both the 16 Ibid. P.Z. 5745/1935. ** Georhe Ashmead Cole, Deputy to the Political Agent in Bahrain, and the Acting Political Agent in Bahrain as the Political Agent himself was on a break.
31 Post Office as well as the employees. Thus, the issue of the Sharjah Post Office was in limbo between Olaf Caroe on one hand, and Lt-Col Fowele and his Deputy, Mr. Loch on the other. THE BUILDING OF SHARJAH AIR STATION
TALE OF A CITY 32
33 Chapter Two Minerals and Oil in Sharjah
TALE OF A CITY 34
35 The economy of Sharjah started to prosper, with many new jobs for labourers, technicians, carpenters and builders. There was also a boom in boat hiring, which was good news for the sailors. This resulted in an increase in the people’s ability to purchase more products. New suqs such as those of Saqr, al-‘Arsah, al-Shinasiyah in addition to the roofed suq, were opened. The food imports increased; more sheep and cattle were brought in in order to supply the Station with meat, chickens, eggs and fish. There was also a rise in agricultural production. Most people going to the emirates on the coast had to go through Sharjah Aerodrome as it was the only one in the region. Most travelers going east to places like Australia, as well as those coming from the west (Britain) or returning to it from Australia and India, stopped at Sharjah on their way. Sharjah Aerodrome and rest house became a transit stop, where travelers stayedovernight as theirflights landed inSharjahbefore sunset anddeparted the next morning. The revenue of the Sharjah Government also went up. In addition to the income of the Ruler, Sheikh Sultan bin Saqr, generated from the Station Agreement, the Sheikh had other sources of revenue from the rent collected for the buildings or service offices of the English, either in Sharjah Station or in the town itself. Red Oxide (Mughr) in AbuMusa Island Another important source of income for the Sheikh and his subjects was the
TALE OF A CITY 36 outcome of thenewagreement with theEnglishwhowere granted concession to mine for red oxide in the Abu Musa Island. It was previously stated that on 15 May 1934, the retired navy commander, Bayldon, after introduction and recommendation by Sir Percy Cox, the Political Resident in the Gulf, applied for a concession to mine red oxide. Bayldon had worked with Cox and J. G. Laithwaite, Director of the Political Department in the Ministry of India, London. There had already been a British concession for the same purpose in effect between 1923 – 1928. Going back to those years and to much earlier ones, we can understand the Mughr story in Abu Musa. The former Ruler of Sharjah, Sheikh Sultan bin Salem al-Qasimi was previously Deputy Ruler, acting on his nephew’s behalf, Sheikh Saqr bin Khalid, Ruler of Sharjah when the latter had to be away. One year when Sheikh Saqr bin Khalid went for the Hajj pilgrimage in Makkah, Sheikh Sultan bin Salem al-Qasimi granted a concession for the mining of raw mineral on Abu Musa Island to Hasan Suma’iyyah and his son Abdullatif, as well as Eissa bin Abdullatif, son of the Sharjah Political Agent. This was on 10 April 1898. When the Ruler of Sharjah returned, he did not see anything objectionable in that agreement. Therefore, he approved it. The official correspondences show that the concession holders were described as British subjects. In1899,SheikhSaqrbinKhalidal-Qassimi,RulerofSharjah,participated in person in this concession for several months. The concession holders conducted systematic excavations a fewmonths later. Their plan of work was to keep around 50 workers on the island to mine the oxide at a slow pace, pile it up and use it to meet their orders as they received them. In June 1906, one of the lease holders, Hasan bin Suma’iyyah, sold part of his assets in the company to Thomas Brown, a British subject living in Lengeh. A few days later, Brown transferred part of his assets to the German Company Wönckhaus and Partners, in Lengeh. Now, the leaseholders comprised 3 British, Wönckhaus and Partners –who were German- in addition toHasan Suma’iyyah inLengeh. The wholematter now had turned completely into nothing more than a purely commercial business. The Ruler of Sharjah was informed that Suma’iyyah had sold part of his share in the red oxide mine to the German Herr Wönckhaus.
37 On 21 February 1907, Sheikh Saqr bin Khalid al-Qasimi cancelled the concession under the pretext that Hasan Suma’iyyah entered into the concession agreement Herr Wönckhaus without the Sheikh’s approval in addition to other reasons. In October 1907, Sheikh Saqr bin Khalid led a military force consisting of his own men to Abu Musa Island to dismiss the mine workers and stop all activities there. However, the boat carrying the armed men was driven away from the island by the British military ship, Lapwing. It was said that the ship had Lieutenant Gabriel, British Deputy-Consul in Bandar Abbas, on board. This incident was followed by a long dispute with the German Government, the details of which are not necessary to mention here. It suffices to say, however, that Wönckhaus claimed to his government that he had incurred losses owing to the breach of the terms of the agreement he entered into on 1 June 1906. The heated discussions abated following the eruption of the World War I. In November 1921, the British Foreign Ministry stated that Wönckhaus had no entitlements in regards to any new concessions to mine for the oxide on the island of Abu Musa and exporting it from there, even though the pre-war claims had not been settled. The British-based Messrs Strik & Co. were very interested before the World War in obtaining the concession to mine for red oxide on Abu Musa Island, and had been in contact with the British Government regarding this issue. In late 1921, they renewed their interest. Discussion with the relevant parties as well as the British-India Government ended on 20 January 1922, when the company was informed that negotiations must be conducted through the mediation of the Political Resident. The company was also asked to sign a declaration that it would not sell, license or transfer any concession or contract that they might get from the Sheikh of Sharjah to any third party other than British subjects. The company submitted the requested declaration on 26 January 1922. With the approval of the British Government, the company agreed with the Sheikh of Sharjah to be granted a 5-year license effective 1 January 1923, allowing it to export red oxide from the Island of Abu Musa. The terms of the agreement as stated in a letter dated 28 December 1922 MINERALS AND OIL IN SHARJAH
TALE OF A CITY 38 from Messrs Strik & Co. to the India office were: - An immediate payment of 6000 Rupees - A due payment of 2 Rupees for every ton of any mineral exported with a guarantee of a minimum payment of 200 Rupees annually whether the said mineral was exported or not (ownership right). It is not clear if the agreement as initially preparedby the companywas subject to customary restrictions regarding the freedom of work and movement on the island as well as exemption from other fees. It also does not seem that the agreement incorporated any official statement regarding the transfer to non-British nationals mentioned above. It was also decided that the declaration in question should suffice in terms of the practical necessities in this respect and that no more discussion regarding it was merited. In 1922, Messrs Strik & Co., in accordance with their agreement with Sheikh Khalid bin Ahmed bin Sultan al-Qasimi, Ruler of Sharjah, shipped 20 tons of red oxide which Wönckhaus and Partners had previously recovered but abandoned them. This shipment made its way to England as a sample. Strik & Co. did not recover any red oxide that year in spite of the fact that the agent, Mr Habakkuk, stayed on the island for a number of weeks. On 9 October 1925, the Political Resident informed the British Foreign Secretary that, according to a September report made by the Deputy of the High British Agent in Persia, the Persian authorities in Lengeh had sent a man on a motor boat to the Island of AbuMusa and he filled some bags with samples of red oxide and left. The Sheikh of Sharjah strongly objected to this act by the Persian authorities. The Political Resident in the Gulf also made a complaint to the Persian Customs Authority pointing out that the island belonged to Sharjah. He additionally submitted a protest against the inappropriate action. Messrs Strik & Co. had pointed out that they saw little opportunity for exporting red oxide during that time due to the quality being low. Nothing since then was mentioned about red oxide on Abu Musa Island. As for the
39 concession held by Messrs Strik & Co., it was to run out in early 1928, and there was no indication that a request for renewal was going to be made.1 Still, Bayldon met several times with J. G. Laithwaite, Director of the Political Department in the Ministry of India, who gave him a detailed explanation of the history of red oxide in Sharjah. They both agreed to get into contact with Sheikh Sultan bin Muhammad al-Qasimi, Ruler of Sharjah through an agent for the Bayldon company, founded under the name Golden Valley Ochre and Oxide, Limited. Laithwaite suggested to use Mr Yousuf Kanoo of Bahrain for this job. It was agreed that Kanoo was to meet wit the Sheikh in Sharjah and seek to be granted a 6-month concession to study the strata of red oxide in Abu Musa in return for an appropriate financial compensation. He was to inform the Sheikh that a representative of the said company was coming to Sharjah in November 1934 to inspect the sedimentary layers in order to be able to reach a decision regarding obtaining proper concessions from the Sheikh.2 Mr Barnett, the said representative of the Golden Valley Company, arrived in Sharjah much later than first expected. He came to Sharjah in early February 1935 with some mechanical devices and equipment, hoping to begin the work immediately. At the time, the company was trying to have an agreement with Sheikh Sultan bin Saqr al-Qasimi regarding the rights to mine in the islands of Abu Musa and Sair Abu Nu’air through the company’s agent, Mr Kanoo. The Sheikh accepted the company’s proposal, providing the inclusion of some additional paragraphs which had been communicated to Mr Kanoo, and in turn, he translated them and forwarded them to commander Bayldon. The letter of Sheikh Sultan bin Saqr al-Qasimi, Ruler of Sharjah, read as follows: Date: 5th Dhul-Qi’dah 1363 AH (equivalent to 7th February 1935) From: Sheikh Sultan bin Saqr, Ruler of Sharjah I would like to inform you that I want you to inform commander Robert Bayldon R.N. (retired) of Gillots House, England, that I will agree to the contract he sent 1 I.O.R./L.P.&S/12/3798, P.Z.2795/1934, pp.23−27, Red Oxide on Abu Musa−1923−1934. 2 Ibid., L.P.&S/12/3798, P.Z.4671/1934. MINERALS AND OIL IN SHARJAH
TALE OF A CITY 40 to me regarding the production of red oxide on the islands of Abu Musa and Sair Bu Nu’air. However, I want him first to agree to the terms to follow which will be annexed to the contract which will be drawn in both Arabic and English. Those terms are: 1. All installations and building erected on the islands of Abu Musa and Sair Bu Nu’air shall become the property of the Sheikh (myself) upon the expiry of the contract. The commander aforementioned shall have no right to them whatsoever. 2. Any quantity of red oxide remaining after the expiry of the contract, more than the defined amount of 21 English pounds in weight in a period of 21 years as clearly stated in the contract shall not belong to them. In case of producing more than the defined quantity, the commander shall pay the due fees to the Sheikh (myself). 3. If any act of aggression by one of my subjects is to occur, I shall take all necessary steps to punish the aggressor. However, if the aggression is committed by a foreign subject, I shall not be responsible in any way. 4. The residential area of the workers on the production of the red oxide shall be chosen at my discretion and subject to my approval and that of the commander prior to construction work taking place. On 23 March 1935, the agreement between Sheikh Sultan bin Saqr alQasimi, Ruler of Sharjah and commanderBayldonwas signed inaccordance with the termof the original agreement and its annex as requested by Sheikh Sultan. The agreement read as follows: “ 1. Commander Bayldon shall pay upon signing the sum of 6000 Rupees, and he shall have the right to search for and conduct excavation works in the mines of the Island of Abu Musa and the Island of Sair Bu Nu’air; 2. This agreement shall be effective as long as commander Bayldon is to pay 2000 Rupees annually to the Sheikh starting from the day of commencement regardless of the commander exported red oxide or not; 3. The Sheikh shall appoint an agent to represent him on the said islands; 4. Commander Bayldon shall commit that neither he nor any of his employees, workers and/or agents shall participate in any acts or interfere in any way with the diving
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